Fathership

Rumours abound: PSP’s Leong Mun Wai ousted as Secretary-General by his own party

Tan Cheng Bock doesn't seem to be a good judge of character?

|5 min read
Rumours abound: PSP’s Leong Mun Wai ousted as Secretary-General by his own party

Earlier, the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) announced that Leong Mun Wai has stepped down as party secretary-general, and will be replaced by fellow NCMP Hazel Poa. This is an unexpected development, given that Leong had only been PSP’s party chief for less than a year – he took over the position in April 2023.

What Possibly Happened – Internal Turmoil

According to ‘in the know’ comments on online forums, as well as a couple of sources affiliated with the party (who wished to remain anonymous), a PSP Central Executive Committee (CEC) meeting was convened recently to talk about Mr Leong’s conduct and behaviour in Parliament. Apparently, some party members had been unhappy with Mr Leong for some time – in particular, over his highhandedness in conducting internal party affairs, and how his controversial comments had cast the party in a negative light. The unease of some party members towards Mr Leong had started as early as 2021, when the mainstream media reported that some within the PSP had reservations over Mr Leong’s racist and divisive approach towards CECA.

Supposedly, the recent POFMA action against Mr Leong Mun Wai – when he fabricated falsehoods about the financial situation of a couple residing in West Coast – was the straw that broke the camel’s back. A faction within the PSP believed that Mr Leong had to go before the next General Election that is widely speculated to be held sometime this year. They were reportedly going to call for a vote of no confidence against Mr Leong if he refused to step aside.

Chequered History – Singapore’s Trump?

Mr Leong Mun Wai himself is no stranger to controversy. During his time in Parliament as a NCMP, Mr Leong has engaged in a pattern of divisive, polarising politics – aimed at making people angry and rile up negative sentiments for political mileage. In other words, Mr Leong is probably the closest that Singapore has to former US President Donald Trump in terms of their shared political style.

Apart from his recent POFMA case where Mr Leong embellished stories about financial aid for lower-income Singaporeans, he had also engaged in race-baiting tactics by taking a stance with strong racist and xenophobic undertones in his campaign against CECA. To the disquiet of his own party members, as elaborated previously.

He had also been rebuked on multiple occasions in Parliament for his poor conduct and making mispresentations, which he subsequently apologised for. Examples include making claims about students being differentiated in schools based on their vaccination status, as well as misleading comments on SERS. In a comment that is reflective of his real attitude towards the masses, he described Singaporeans who live in HDB flats as being “condemned.”

The Tan Cheng Bock Factor

Yet ultimately, Dr Tan Cheng Bock himself is the one who is responsible for the current mess within the party that he founded in 2019.

The PSP’s troubles run deep, with key leaders and candidates leaving and changing all the time, sometimes on acrimonious terms. Notable examples include the exit of Brad Bowyer, Kala Manickam – who sued the PSP for wrongful termination of her membership, former Youth Chief Terence Soon who left in 2021, as well as the departure of his own successor as youth chief – Jess Chua, who left a few months ago. The top position of Secretary-General has been changed several times during the PSP’s short history: Tan Cheng Bock (2019-2021) -> Francis Yuen (2021-2023) -> Leong Mun Wai (2023-2024) and now Hazel Poa.

Mr Leong’s antics in Parliament were also probably endorsed and supported by Dr Tan Cheng Bock, who Mr Leong has affectionately referred to as “Doc” in the past. In 2020, when deciding whether to take up the NCMP position, Mr Leong had said that he would “refer to Dr Tan’s judgement and because he’s our mentor, everything we refer to Dr Tan.” Mr Leong’s own personal website describes Dr Tan as his “political mentor.” In a media interview in 2020, Dr Tan himself described his role to his party leaders as “I can be the guide, I can be the mentor.” So surely, Dr Tan has to take the blame for the approach adopted by Mr Leong.

It remains to be seen which path the PSP will embark on following Hazel Poa’s appointment as party leader. Would they adopt a more ‘moderate’ and less confrontational style? Yet, Dr Tan Cheng Bock has shown himself to be very eager in getting into bed with strange bedfellows for political expediency. From asking Lee Hsien Yang to join the party, fielding firebrands like Leong Mun Wai as candidates, to endorsing Tan Kian Lian for the elected presidency despite the latter’s lack of suitability for the job and misogynist views.

Under Dr Tan Cheng Bock, politics is indeed the art of the possible.

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China, Israel's foreign agents may conduct disinformation campaigns for S'pore's GE2025

China aims to dominate ASEAN by leveraging Singapore’s diplomatic influence and cultural ties, while Israel seeks to preserve its strategic alliance with Singapore - one of very few countries still allied with Israel in ASEAN.

|6 min read
China, Israel's foreign agents may conduct disinformation campaigns for S'pore's GE2025

Disclaimer: This analysis is a speculative exploration based on geopolitical trends, historical patterns, and open-source intelligence.


Foreign interference isn’t a conspiracy theory; it’s a global reality, from Russia’s 2016 U.S. election hacks to China’s whispered influence in Australia.

Singapore, a tiny island with outsized influence, is a high-value target. Its role as a global financial hub, with approximately S$5.4 trillion in assets under management makes its electoral outcome a matter of international consequence.

China

China, Singapore’s largest trading partner with S$150 billion in bilateral trade in 2022, has strong incentives to influence GE2025.

As ASEAN’s diplomatic anchor, Singapore influences regional policies critical to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and South China Sea claims.

A government aligned with Beijing would enhance its dominance in Southeast Asia, where Singapore’s neutrality is a linchpin.

Moreover, Singapore’s military training partnerships with Taiwan make it a target for China’s efforts to suppress Taiwanese independence narratives.

Past disinformation campaigns

China has a well-documented history of disinformation:

  • Taiwan: Beijing has used deepfakes and propaganda to discredit Taiwanese leaders and deter voters from supporting independence, targeting Chinese-speaking communities to sow division, as reported by regional security experts.

  • Philippines: China has promoted narratives portraying itself as a constructive regional actor while casting doubt on U.S. reliability, aiming to weaken U.S.-Philippine ties, per the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

  • Singapore (2017): A notable incident involved Huang Jing, a U.S. citizen and academic at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, who was expelled in August 2017 for acting as an agent of influence for a foreign country, widely understood to be China. Huang used his position to share privileged information with foreign intelligence operatives and attempted to influence Singapore’s foreign policy, per MHA.

Potential impact in Singapore

Singapore’s 74% ethnic Chinese population and economic ties with China create vulnerabilities to disinformation.

AI-generated deepfakes on platforms like Meta and Tiktok could depict candidates disparaging Chinese culture, alienating voters.

Cyber operations might target journalists of alternative and mainstream media outlets, while covert funding through Chinese business networks or clan associations could support pro-China candidates.

The October 2024 deepfake video targeting former President Halimah Yacob, falsely showing her criticizing the government, underscores this threat.

The 2020 case of Dickson Yeo, a Singaporean sentenced in the U.S. for spying for Chinese intelligence, further highlights Beijing’s use of local operatives, though Yeo claimed no disloyalty to Singapore.

Why Singapore?

Singapore’s diplomatic leadership in ASEAN and military ties with Taiwan make it a strategic target.

China’s ambition to dominate ASEAN relies on influencing key players like Singapore, whose neutral stance could shift regional dynamics if manipulated.

Disinformation could erode public trust or promote candidates aligned with Beijing’s goals.

Israel

Israel, a key defense partner supplying Singapore with technologies like the Iron Dome, seeks to maintain a government supportive of bilateral ties.

As one of Singapore’s few ASEAN allies alongside Thailand, and with neighbors like Malaysia and Indonesia holding anti-Israel stances, Singapore’s pro-Israel policies are crucial.

A change in government could disrupt defense cooperation or weaken Israel’s Southeast Asian foothold, where Singapore is a diplomatic and technological hub.

Past disinformation campaigns

Israel’s disinformation efforts, particularly since the Gaza war, have aimed to shape global narratives:

  • U.S. Lawmakers (2024): Israel funded a $2 million campaign through Stoic, a Tel Aviv-based firm, using 600 fake social media accounts to target 128 U.S. Congresspeople with pro-Israel messaging. Active as of June 2024, it employed AI tools like ChatGPT and fake news sites to attack UNRWA and influence policy (The New York Times, June 2024).

  • Gaza War propaganda: AI-driven bot farms spread false narratives to dehumanize Palestinians and pressure policymakers, as reported by The Intercept in February 2024 (Gaza: Israel, Netanyahu, propaganda, lies, Palestinians).

  • Meta censorship: Israel secured the removal of 38.8 million pro-Palestinian posts on Meta platforms by April 2025, aligning with efforts to suppress criticism (Dropsite News).

  • Specific falsehoods: Misleading claims, such as audio evidence in the Gaza Baptist Hospital massacre, highlight tactical disinformation (Euronews, February 2024).

Potential impact on Singapore

Israel’s cyber capabilities, exemplified by tools like Pegasus and Graphite used in Singapore pose a threat.

While the 2024 Graphite spyware from Paragon Solutions was reportedly halted, Israel’s history with Pegasus—sold to various governments—suggests that comparable tools remain active.

Disinformation campaigns might target Singapore’s Malay-Muslim community (15% of the population) to counter anti-Israel sentiments, using bots on platforms like Meta.

Covert lobbying through defense or tech partnerships could subtly influence policy.

Why Singapore?

Singapore’s status as a rare ASEAN ally makes it a linchpin for Israel’s regional strategy.

A pro-Israel government ensures sustained defense cooperation and counters regional hostility.

Disinformation could protect these ties by shaping elite perceptions or neutralizing anti-Israel narratives.

Singapore's defense capabilities

Singapore has fortified its electoral process against disinformation:

The FICA law was in the news recently when four members of one of Singapore's richest families were designated as "politically significant persons" for their membership to a China political advisory body. MHA had emphasised that the four individuals had not engaged in any “egregious activity”. As such, their designation can be seen as a pre-emptive move to guard against any potential vulnerabilities to foreign interference.

Also last year, FICA was invoked to block 95 social media accounts linked to self-exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui, the first time that the account restrictions directions under FICA were being deployed.

Foreign disinformation poses a significant threat to GE2025.

China aims to dominate ASEAN by leveraging Singapore’s diplomatic influence and cultural ties, while Israel seeks to preserve its strategic alliance.

Singapore’s FICA, cybersecurity, and public resilience provide a strong defense, but sustained vigilance is critical.

Enhanced cyber audits, monitoring of foreign networks, and public education will ensure Singapore’s vote remains untainted.

As GE2025 approaches, the nation’s commitment to sovereignty will determine its success in countering these threats.

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PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

Dr Tan called PM Wong's statement on the US tariffs as a fear-mongering but later admitted that it's a very serious problem.

|2 min read
PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

During the PSP's manifesto launch early this month (Apr 6), Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the party's chairman, criticized the government's response to the US tariffs as "overblown".

He suggested that the government's strong warnings, such as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's (PM Wong) statement on about the "likelihood of a full-blown global trade war," might be an attempt to "instil fear" in voters to make them choose the incumbent as a "safe bet" ahead of the General Election.

In a YouTube video, PM Wong urged Singaporeans to brace themselves because the risks are real and the stakes high.

Dr Tan called for economists to study the real impact of the tariffs. "Don't just make statements of this kind and scare everybody," he said.

To worry or not to worry?

On Saturday (Apr 19), Dr Tan reiterated his party’s stance on the trade war, calling it “a very difficult problem, but a very serious problem” that “we are not taking lightly”.

He said: "Trump is so unpredictable. I cannot give you the answer also. But i don't think that we are just lying low and say oh, nothing to worry. of course, we worry differently. We are looking for answers. This is a very difficult, serious problem. And we are not taking it lightly."

PSP's position on the US tariffs reflects a critical view of the government's initial response as potentially exaggerated for political gain but later recognized the trade war's significant economic implications that should not be taken lightly.

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Chee Soon Juan's choice of Ariffin Sha raises questions on vetting

No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.

|2 min read
Chee Soon Juan's choice of Ariffin Sha raises questions on vetting

Singapore Democratic Party’s (SDP) Chee Soon Juan has made a questionable choice nominating Ariffin Sha, the 27-year-old founder of Wake Up, Singapore (WUSG), to contest Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC.

The decision is not a minor oversight—it points to a lapse in judgment that may cast doubts on Chee’s fitness for ministerial office.

While the People’s Action Party (PAP) has faced its own scandals involving individuals who were later convicted (Eg. Iswaran), these typically emerge after elections, not before.

Background

In August 2024, Ariffin was fined S$8,000 after pleading guilty to criminal defamation for publishing a fabricated story about KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital, falsely claiming a woman suffered a miscarriage due to negligence.

Chee’s response to Ariffin's red flag is has been evasive.

At a press conference on April 13, 2025, he urged voters to focus on SDP’s policies, not Ariffin’s past, and compared the case to former PAP Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin’s resignation over an extramarital affair. The comparison misses the mark: Tan’s personal lapse, while serious, did not involve lawbreaking or public harm.

Chee’s deflection sidesteps the core issue of vetting a candidate with a known conviction.

Leadership requires sound judgement

The PAP is not immune to scrutiny.

Cases like former Transport Minister S. Iswaran’s corruption charges in January 2024 and former Tampines GRC MP Cheng Li Hui’s affair with Speaker of Parliament Tan Chuan Jin reveal vetting gaps.

However, these issues emerged after elections. The PAP acted decisively, removing Iswaran from his post and asked both Tan Chuan Jin and Cheng Li Hui to resign.

No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.

Zero tolerance on misinformation

Ariffin’s case strikes at Singapore’s zero-tolerance stance on misinformation.

In 2024, POFMA was invoked 15 times to correct falsehoods, underscoring the harm of unchecked narratives. Ariffin’s defamation directly contravened this ethos, making his nomination a liability in a constituency where community cohesion is vital.

Residents value reliability in governance. Chee’s oversight suggests a disconnect, potentially eroding confidence in SDP’s ability to address bread-and-butter issues like job security and affordability.

Ariffin’s supporters may cite his work with Wake Up, Singapore, which amplifies marginalized voices, or argue his youth mitigates his error. These arguments carry limited weight.

Public office demands high standards, especially in Singapore, where trust underpins stability.

Ariffin’s conviction reflects a lapse in responsibility, and Chee’s endorsement suggests inadequate scrutiny.

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GE2025 - Here are the key points from PAP manifesto

PAP manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.

|8 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from PAP manifesto

The People's Action Party (PAP) launched their manifesto last Thursday (Apr 17), titled "Changed World, Fresh Team, New Resolve – Securing a Brighter Future for You."

Manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.

Here are the key points:

Economic Growth and Business Competitiveness

The PAP, as the ruling party, launched its manifesto on April 17, 2025, titled "Our Manifesto, Our Promise," at Infinite Studios. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong emphasized navigating global changes and defending Singapore's interests. Key proposals include:

  • Enhancing support for Professionals, Managers, Executives, and Technicians (PMETs) to thrive in a dynamic economy.
  • Nurturing Singaporean corporate leaders to drive local and global success, ensuring leadership in key industries.
  • Strengthening fair employment practices through legislation like the Workplace Fairness Act to protect workers' rights.
  • Maintaining Singapore's reputation as a reliable business hub, crucial for attracting foreign investment.
  • Investing in transport and digital infrastructure to enhance connectivity and efficiency, supporting business operations.
  • Adopting cutting-edge technologies, including Artificial Intelligence (AI), to boost productivity and innovation.
  • Securing clean energy sources, with exploration of nuclear power, to ensure sustainable economic growth.
  • Easing cost-of-living pressures through tax rebates and the Progressive Wage Credit Scheme, directly benefiting lower-income workers.
  • Enabling businesses to upgrade productivity through technological and operational advancements.
  • Facilitating access to manpower and capital for businesses to scale and innovate.
  • Supporting companies in expanding into new markets, enhancing Singapore's global economic footprint.

Education and Skills Development

Education is framed as a cornerstone for future success, with a focus on inclusivity and lifelong learning:

  • Redefining success to value diverse talents, moving beyond traditional academic metrics to recognize varied abilities.
  • Customizing education to cater to diverse abilities and interests, ensuring no student is left behind.
  • Investing in teachers' professional development to maintain high educational standards and adapt to new teaching methods.
  • Partnering with parents, industry, and communities to deliver holistic education, fostering well-rounded development.
  • Building four new Special Education (SPED) schools by 2030 to support students with special needs.
  • Establishing additional early intervention centers to identify and support developmental needs early.
  • Extending the Development Support-Learning Support Programme to more preschools, enhancing early childhood education.
  • Empowering Singaporeans to reskill and upskill through accessible programs, preparing them for future job markets.
  • Supporting companies in redesigning jobs and investing in worker training, aligning education with industry needs.
  • Introducing the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme to aid job seekers, particularly during economic transitions.

This pillar aims to build a flexible and inclusive education system, though challenges may arise in scaling these initiatives effectively.

Social Support and Inclusion

Social support is a critical focus, aiming to uplift vulnerable groups and ensure inclusivity:

  • Strengthening ComCare and Silver Support schemes to provide financial assistance to low-income and elderly citizens.
  • Enhancing Workfare to support lower-wage workers, ensuring they benefit from economic growth.
  • Extending Progressive Wages to more sectors, aiming to raise wages for lower-income workers systematically.
  • Providing individualized support for lower-income families via ComLink+, tailoring assistance to specific needs.
  • Increasing childcare subsidies for disadvantaged families to ensure regular preschool attendance, promoting early education.
  • Strengthening post-18 transitions for young adults, supporting their entry into the workforce or further education.
  • Boosting employment opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) through targeted initiatives, promoting inclusivity.
  • Increasing subsidies for adult disability services to improve accessibility and quality of care.
  • Piloting community living models for independent living, empowering PwDs to live autonomously.

These measures aim to create a more inclusive society, though their impact may vary based on funding and community uptake.

Healthcare and Well-Being

Healthcare initiatives are designed to cover the entire lifespan, ensuring comprehensive care:

  • Launching Grow Well SG for children and adolescents, focusing on early health and development.
  • Implementing Healthier SG for adults, promoting preventive care and healthy lifestyles.
  • Introducing Age Well SG for seniors, ensuring dignified aging with adequate support.
  • Innovating healthcare delivery through the Queenstown Health District, serving as a model for integrated care.
  • Adding 13,600 new hospital beds over five years to meet growing healthcare demands.
  • Redeveloping Alexandra Hospital to enhance facilities and services.
  • Opening Eastern General Hospital by 2030, expanding healthcare capacity in the east.
  • Growing the healthcare and nursing workforce to address staffing shortages and improve care quality.
  • Establishing a National Mental Health Office to coordinate efforts and expand access to mental health services.
  • Expanding access to mental health services across communities, addressing a critical public health need.

These initiatives aim to build a robust healthcare system, though challenges may include workforce retention and funding sustainability.

Housing and Urban Development

Housing remains a priority, addressing both supply and quality of living:

  • Building over 50,000 new HDB flats in three years, equivalent to an entire Ang Mo Kio town, to meet housing demand.
  • Increasing Shorter Waiting Time flats to reduce waiting periods for new homes.
  • Exploring public housing options for higher-income couples and singles, expanding access to HDB housing.
  • Ensuring a stable and sustainable property market through decisive measures, balancing supply and demand.
  • Rejuvenating HDB towns through the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme (VERS), with examples like Mount Pleasant, Kallang-Whampoa ("white flats"), and Bayshore (waterfront living at East Coast Park).

These efforts aim to ensure affordable and quality housing, though market dynamics may pose implementation challenges.

Sustainability and Green Spaces

Sustainability is a key focus, balancing urban development with environmental care:

  • Creating 25 new parks to enhance green spaces for recreation and biodiversity.
  • Developing 50km of park connectors to improve connectivity for pedestrians and cyclists.
  • Establishing 13 therapeutic gardens to support mental and physical well-being.
  • Developing a second marine park at Lazarus South and Kusu Reef, protecting marine ecosystems.
  • Building new MRT lines, including Jurong Regional and Cross-Island Lines, to enhance public transport.
  • Extending existing MRT lines and enhancing bus services to improve accessibility and reduce car dependency.

These initiatives aim to create a sustainable urban environment, though their success may depend on community engagement and funding.

Arts, Culture, and Sports

Arts and culture are highlighted as vital for quality of life and national identity:

  • Expanding the SG Culture Pass to provide broader access to cultural experiences, promoting arts appreciation.
  • Promoting early arts exposure in schools and preschools, fostering creativity from a young age.
  • Offering more arts apprenticeships and scholarships to support emerging artists.
  • Providing additional arts spaces and support for artists, enhancing the cultural ecosystem.
  • Establishing a new Museum of Design to showcase creativity and innovation.
  • Developing Kallang Alive, including a new indoor arena and home for Team Singapore, boosting sports infrastructure.
  • Building new sports facilities in Clementi, Punggol, and Toa Payoh, and upgrading existing ones in Hougang, Pasir Ris, and Queenstown.

These efforts aim to enrich cultural and sporting life, though their impact may vary based on public participation.

Social Cohesion and Civic Engagement

Social cohesion is framed as essential for national unity and resilience:

  • Fostering a strong Singaporean identity rooted in shared values and experiences.
  • Upholding multi-racial and multi-religious values, ensuring harmony and inclusivity.
  • Enhancing integration efforts to build a cohesive society, particularly for new citizens.
  • Maintaining Singapore as an oasis of peace, emphasizing stability in a turbulent world.
  • Nurturing a culture of giving by connecting donors and volunteers with those in need, promoting community support.
  • Increasing avenues for civic participation, empowering citizens to contribute to nation-building.
  • Strengthening partnerships between the government and the people, fostering collaborative governance.

These measures aim to build a united and engaged society, though their effectiveness may depend on community buy-in.

Summary Table

PillarKey InitiativeTarget Beneficiaries
Economic GrowthAdopt AI and clean energyBusinesses, PMETs
EducationBuild 4 new SPED schools by 2030Students with special needs
Social SupportExtend Progressive Wages to more sectorsLower-wage workers
HealthcareAdd 13,600 new hospital beds in 5 yearsGeneral population
HousingBuild 50,000 new HDB flats in 3 yearsHome seekers
SustainabilityCreate 25 new parksResidents, environmentalists
Arts and CultureExpand SG Culture PassArts enthusiasts
Social CohesionEnhance integration effortsNew citizens, diverse groups
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Jalan Kayu单选区 - 两块“木头”间的艰难抉择

黄志明与卡拉·马尼卡姆的对决揭示信任与分裂的较量

|1 min read
Jalan Kayu单选区 - 两块“木头”间的艰难抉择

2025年5月3日,Jalan Kayu单选区(Jalan Kayu SMC)的29,565名选民将站在十字路口,选择两条崎岖路径之一:人民行动党(PAP)职总秘书长黄志明,背负2024年职总英康收购案的污点,宛如一辆伤痕累累的战车;抑或红点团结党(RDU)的激进教育家卡拉·马尼卡姆,其2021年前进党诉讼风波暴露的个人主义倾向,恰似一艘独木舟在政治风浪中摇摆 [译注:2025年4月22日,红点团结党宣布退出Jalan Kayu单选区,支持工人党参选,以避免多角竞争。本文基于此前候选人假设撰写]。

候选人背景

黄志明(56岁)

黄志明曾于2009至2013年担任新加坡空军总长,2013至2015年升任三军总长,展现军事生涯的严谨与权威。2015年,他代表人民行动党当选巴西立-榜鹅集选区国会议员,但在2020年竞逐盛港集选区时,以47.88%的得票率铩羽而归。自2018年起,他担任职总秘书长,力推劳动力发展和工人权益政策,试图为职场注入活力。然而,2024年职总英康收购案令其公信力蒙尘,被舆论抨击“要么纵容利益输送,要么严重失职”,如同一座信任堡垒被风暴侵蚀。

卡拉·马尼卡姆(57岁)

卡拉·马尼卡姆是单亲母亲、特殊教育专家兼中小企业主,拥有终身教育硕士学位,散发草根魅力。她是新加坡武装部队首批女军官之一,服役七年,官至中尉,彰显坚韧。2020年,她代表前进党竞选义顺集选区,获38.76%选票;同年12月被开除,2021年提起“不当终止党籍”诉讼,后和解。此事暴露其“独行侠”作风。如今,她加入红点团结党,聚焦职业培训和生活成本压力,试图以小党之力撬动选民心弦。

黄志明的职总英康风波

2024年7月,职总与德国保险巨头英杰华(Allianz)提出22亿新元的收购案,宣称将增强职总英康的竞争力。8月,黄志明与职总主席达纳拉克希米发表联合声明,信誓旦旦保证英杰华将维护英康的社会使命。然而,细节如暗礁般浮现,险些葬送交易。英杰华计划提取18.5亿新元资本,近半投资可迅速回笼,恐耗尽维持低保费的储备金,宛如从社会保障的根基抽梁换柱。2024年10月14日,文化、社区及青年部长唐振辉代表政府果断叫停交易,认定其背离英康2022年公司化目标,即强化财务实力以惠及保单持有人。

黄志明坚称职总中央委员会对资本提取计划毫不知情,试图撇清责任,但前英康首席执行官陈瑞财痛斥该计划“违背诚信”,直指交易暗藏私利。新加坡管理大学副教授陈庆文直言,这种无知“令人瞠目结舌” [译注:意指难以置信的疏忽],如同指挥官在战场上迷失方向。2025年1月,黄志明将就业不稳定性归咎于人工智能,回避外籍劳工政策争议,被批“高高在上”,如同一座与民意脱节的孤塔。2020年盛港集选区失利已暴露其政治软肋,选民不禁质疑:他究竟是工人代言人,还是行动党机器的忠实齿轮?

卡拉的前进党诉讼争议

2021年7月,卡拉向高等法院起诉前进党,后移交国家法院,掀起政治风波。她要求宣告2020年12月开除决定“违法无效”,并追讨1万新元竞选开支,指控前进党违宪,未给予她申辩机会。前进党提交七份宣誓书,包括党魁陈清木的证词,指控她破坏团队凝聚力、抗命不遵。同区候选人郑德源透露,她跳过团队会议、擅自组织走访,形同独奏而非合唱。17人联署反对其复职,干部以55:11的投票支持开除决定。

陈清木回忆,2020年11月会议上,卡拉“挑衅好斗”,高喊“证据呢?证据呢?”,如同一头不甘受缚的猛兽。她通过脸书和法庭公开控诉,展现原则性,却也暴露分裂倾向,宛如在政治舞台上独舞。转投红点团结党被批“机会主义”,如同一名独行侠在寻找新战场。诉讼虽和解,但卡拉的个人主义标签挥之不去,恐难适应新加坡强调协作的政治生态。

选情分析

黄志明依托行动党强大的基层网络,Jalan Kayu单选区与宏茂桥集选区的历史渊源为其加分。然而,英康风波重创公信力,盛港失利阴影犹存,选民质疑其是否真为工人发声。卡拉的草根形象贴近民心,反对党协调机制或助其整合选票,但诉讼风波暴露团队协作缺陷,红点团结党知名度有限,难以撼动主流。工人党未派候选人,人民力量党若参选可能分散反对派选票,但红点团结党与其他小党的协调或可缓解分裂风险。这场选举无关谁是耀眼的明星,而是两块“卡由”(马来语“木头”谐音,喻指不完美的候选人)中,谁能更稳固地承载选民的期望。