Fathership

Nagaenthran K. 2013-2017 psychiatric reports disproves he was intellectually disabled

Here's what the psychiatric reports say

|6 min read
Nagaenthran K. 2013-2017 psychiatric reports disproves he was intellectually disabled

All 4 psychiatric experts opined that convicted drug mule Nagaenthran K. Dharmalingam was not intellectually disabled.

According to court documents seen by Fathership, 4 psychiatric experts gave their reports and testimonies on Nagaenthran's mental health assessment.

While all of the 4 psychiatrists agree that Nagaenthran has borderline intelligence, he was not mentally retarded.

Psychiatrists appointed by the prosecution

  • Two psychiatric reports from Dr Koh Wun Wu Kenneth Gerald dated 11 April 2013 and 7 February 2017.

Dr Koh is a senior consultant from the Department of General and Forensic Psychiatry at the Institute of Mental Health (IMH)

  • A psychological report from Eunice Seah dated 12 April 2013.

Eunice is a psychologist at IMH's Department of Psychology

  • A psychiatric report from Dr Patricia Yap dated 1 February 2017.

Dr Yap is the Principal Clinical Psychologist at the IMH.

Psychiatrist appointed by Nagaenthran's legal defence team

A psychiatric report from Dr Ken Ung Eng Khean dated 22 August 2016.

Dr Ung is a psychiatrist from Adam Road Medical Centre.

Dr Koh's 2013 report

Nagaenthran was examined Dr Koh on 14 and 21 March 2013. Nagaenthran's sister was also interviewed by Dr Koh over the phone, as well as his prison officer.

Dr Koh's opinion:

Mr Nagaenthran had no mental illness at the time of the offence. Although not clinically mentally retarded, his borderline range of intelligence might have made him more susceptible than a person of normal intelligence to over-estimating the reality of the alleged threat that had been made to his girlfriend if he refused to make the delivery of the drugs. It, however, would not have diminished his ability to appreciate that the package that was taped to his thigh would most likely have contained drugs and that bringing this to Singapore was illegal.

Eunice Seah's 2013 report

Seah assessed Nagaenthran on 4 April 2013. She conducted first an interview followed by two psychometric measures. She also conducted the 'Test of Memory Malingering (TOMM)'. Nagaenthran's sister was also interviewed.

Seah's opinion:

In view of Nagaenthran’s performance on the various WAIS-IV (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scales (Fourth Edition) indexes, socio-occupational history, education history, his adaptive functioning abilities and his presentation during the assessment, Nagaenthran is functioning at least within the Borderline range of functioning and he is assessed not to be intellectually disabled.

Dr Ung's 2016 report

Nagaenthran's then lawyer Eugene Thuraisingam appointed Dr Ung to conduct a separate psychiatric assessment.

Dr Ung assessed Nagaenthran on 19 April and 19 July 2016 and also relied on the findings made in Dr Koh's 2013 report.

Dr Ung's opinion:

I am of the opinion that Mr Nagaenthran suffered from an abnormality of mind at the time of his arrest, namely: Severe Alcohol Use Disorder, Severe Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder ADHD) [sic] Combined Type and Borderline Intellectual Functioning/ Mild Intellectual Disability.

(Nagaenthran's IQ) is revealed to be 66 to 74. This is in the range of Mild Intellectual Disability suggested by the [the American Psychiatric Association]

Intellectual Disability requires the presence of functional disability as well and I am of the opinion that Mr Nagaenthran had functional disability in the conceptual domains and to a lesser extent in his social and practical domain.

Dr Yap's 2017 report

In light of Dr Ung’s Report, the applicant was referred by Dr Koh to Dr Yap for the purposes of conducting a neuropsychological assessment to explore the possibility that the applicant was suffering from ADHD.

Dr Yap conducted 7 assessments totalling 15 hours and 55 minutes in the period November 2016 to January 2017. 18 psychometric tests as well as a one-hour interview with Nagaenthran's sister on 29 December 2016.

Dr Yap's conclusion:

The results indicate that Mr Nagaenthran is not intellectually disabled...Additionally, testing revealed that while many of Mr Nagaenthran’s executive functioning skills were impaired, he was able to plan and organise on simpler items and there were no indications of problems with impulsivity and vigilance.

While there are some indications in the current assessment that Mr Nagaenthran may have adult ADHD, his account of the incidents leading to his arrest suggests that he acted in a pre-meditated fashion and understood the potential consequences of his behaviour.

Dr Koh's 2017 report

In a report dated 7 February 2017, Dr Koh made a few observations in response to the conclusions drawn in Dr Ung’s Report.

First, Dr Koh disagreed with Dr Ung that the applicant was mildly intellectually disabled.

The conclusions drawn in Dr Yap’s Report about the applicant’s intelligence are in agreement with those reached in Ms Seah’s Report: both Dr Yap and Ms Seah had concluded that the applicant was not intellectually disabled.

Second, Dr Koh rejected Dr Ung’s diagnosis that the applicant had ADHD. Dr Koh called into question Dr Ung’s reliance on the Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale (“ASRS”), given that the ASRS is a self-rating scale that carries the attendant possibility of bias. Dr Koh suggested that Dr Yap’s employment of the more objective Connor’s Continuous Performance Test (3rd Edition) (“CPT3”) was more instructive.

Dr Koh’s opinion was that even if the applicant has ADHD, his condition is mild, with features of inattentiveness, but not hyperactivity or impulsiveness.

Third, Dr Koh questioned Dr Ung’s diagnosis of severe alcohol use disorder, given that the applicant’s account of his alcohol use to Dr Ung greatly differed from that provided to Dr Koh when he was preparing his 2013 psychiatric report.

Dr Koh also acknowledged that the applicant’s “borderline intelligence and concurrent cognitive defects may have contributed toward his misdirected loyalty and poor assessment of the risks in agreeing to carry out the offence [that he was convicted for]”

Defence's psychiatrist initially suggested that Nagaenthran had intellectual disability but later admitted the contrary when cross-examined

Dr Ung's report had suggested that Nagaenthran suffered from mild intellectual disability:

I am of the opinion that Mr Nagaenthran suffered from an abnormality of mind at the time of his arrest, namely: Severe Alcohol Use Disorder, ADHD and Borderline Intellectual Functioning / Mild Intellectual Disability.

Intellectual Disability requires the presence of functional disability as well and I am of the opinion that Mr Nagaenthran had functional disability in the conceptual domains and to a lesser extent in his social and practical domain.

According to the court documents, Dr Ung later agreed during cross-examination, with Dr Yap's opinion that the applicant is not intellectually disabled.

Conversely, Dr Koh, Ms Seah and Dr Yap all opine in their respective expert reports that the applicant is not intellectually disabled, and merely suffers from borderline intellectual functioning.

Dr Ung's psychiatric report was highlighted by the judge to carry a tendency of bias and could not stand to scrutiny.

The judge also found Dr Ung's methodology and assessment of Nagaenthran to be unreliable.

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新加坡无法在中美冲突中保持真正中立

在全球地缘政治的风暴中,新加坡如何驾驭大国博弈?选择中立意味着在经济与安全上避免与任何一方结盟。然而,新加坡对中美两大市场的深层依赖,迫使其采取务实外交。这不是中立性的试炼——而是实力的彰显。通过在供应链、科技与外交领域砥砺锋芒,新加坡并非规避站队,而是化被动为主动,让大国竞相争取其青睐。这不是中立——这是实力。

|1 min read
新加坡无法在中美冲突中保持真正中立

新加坡能否在动荡的地缘政治格局中保持中立?

前贸易及工业部长、现任教育部长陈振声在新传媒播客中指出,问题不在于选择站队——有时这由不得你——而在于让新加坡变得如此不可或缺,以至于各方都想分一杯羹。

陈部长的洞见凸显了新加坡务实的外交策略,但却掩盖了一个冷峻的事实:在中美之间深厚的经济与战略纠葛面前,中立不过是一场海市蜃楼。

中立承诺公正,但新加坡的现实与之背道而驰

由于与美国和中国的经济、战略及地缘政治联系根深蒂固,新加坡在中美贸易战中无法保持真正中立。

2023年,中国占新加坡出口的14%(830亿美元),进口的13%;美国则占出口的13%(760亿美元),进口的10%。

美国的外国直接投资(2340亿美元)是新加坡经济增长的引擎,而中国的“一带一路”倡议则充分利用新加坡港口的枢纽地位,2024年处理了3700万标准箱(TEU)。

新加坡支持美国主导的印太框架,如2022年启动的“印太经济繁荣框架”(IPEF)。这一由14国(不含中国)组成的联盟,旨在促进贸易与供应链韧性。

被排除在IPEF之外的中国,将其视为美国遏制其地区影响力的棋局。中国外交部长王毅痛斥这是经济“脱钩”与“煽动对抗”的企图。

2024年,中国官媒点名批评新加坡在IPEF中的角色,暗示可能招致贸易报复,至今虽未见实质行动,但信号清晰:当最大贸易伙伴感到被背叛,中立不过是镜花水月。

在东盟走钢丝:平衡大国与区域挑战

在安全领域,新加坡依赖美国,尤其是在动荡地区维持威慑力量,这使其战略天平有所倾斜。

真正的中立要求疏远与美国的防务合作,但面对区域威胁——包括中国在南海对东盟的强硬姿态——这一选项几无可能。

尽管新加坡在南海没有主权声索,但其支持基于规则的国际秩序,暗中配合美国针对中国主张的“航行自由”行动。这一立场在《2024年新加坡外交政策报告》中清晰阐述,引发中国不满,重创其中立形象。

作为东盟核心成员,新加坡致力于区域团结。然而,东盟内部裂痕——柬埔寨与老挝亲近中国,菲律宾与越南倾向美国——使中立成为外交雷区。

新加坡的真正策略:不是中立,而是实力

选择中立意味着在经济与安全上避免与任何一方结盟,但新加坡对中美市场的依赖迫使其采取务实外交。

偏向一方可能疏远另一方,而超然物外则可能使新加坡在全球贸易网络中被边缘化。

因此,新加坡追求“战略自主”——两面下注、多元化伙伴关系、保持最大灵活性。这种策略宛如一辆精密战车,游走于大国博弈之间,而不被任何一方完全吞并。

2023年,新加坡6000亿新元的经济在关税逆风中仍增长1.2%,彰显其非凡韧性。

新加坡的真正优势不在于回避站队,而在于让自己成为不可或缺的枢纽,让大国竞相拉拢。

这不是中立——这是实力。

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What do the PAP, WP, PSP, and SDP manifestos say about housing?

The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns. But do they deliver?

|8 min read
What do the PAP, WP, PSP, and SDP manifestos say about housing?

With HDB resale prices up 50% since 2020 and BTO waiting times stretching to five years, affordability and access are strangling young couples, singles, and retirees alike.

The 99-year lease model, once a cornerstone of stability, now looms as a ticking time bomb for ageing flats.

The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns.

But do they deliver?

PAP - more flats, same old tune

Flood the market with supply, tweak eligibilit, and tackle lease decay head-on

The PAP, Singapore’s ruling juggernaut, promises to build over 50,000 new HDB flats in three years—enough for an entire Ang Mo Kio town.

They’re doubling down on Shorter Waiting Time flats to cut BTO delays, exploring options for higher-income couples and singles, and pushing the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme (VERS) to rejuvenate old estates like Kallang-Whampoa.

More flats don’t automatically mean cheaper flats

The Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio—median flat price to median income—hovers around 5-6, far from affordable for a $80,000-a-year household eyeing a $400,000 4-room BTO.

PAP’s reliance on grants, like the Enhanced CPF Housing Grant, is a band-aid, not a cure, when resale prices have soared 50% in five years.

VERS sounds promising but lacks teeth—its voluntary nature and vague compensation details leave residents guessing, unlike the more decisive Selective En bloc Redevelopment Scheme (SERS).

Expanding access for singles and higher-income groups is inclusive but risks diverting resources from lower-income families who can’t even dream of a $500,000 resale flat.

And while 50,000 flats sound impressive, global supply chain crunches and labor shortages could derail delivery, as seen in past construction delays.

Stability, not affordability

PAP’s plan is feasible, backed by HDB’s machine and approximately $1.2 trillion in reserves, but it’s incremental, not transformative.

PAP is betting on stability, not affordability, leaving young Singaporeans stuck in a cycle of grants and grit.

WP - bold on ideas, shaky on substance

The Workers’ Party takes a different tack, zeroing in on affordability with a promise to slash the HPI ratio to 3.0 or below—meaning a 4-room flat for a median-income family would cost no more than $240,000.

They propose 70-year BTO leases at lower prices, with an option to top up to 99 years, and a universal buy-back scheme to rescue retirees from depreciating flats.

To sweeten the deal, WP wants HDB to reacquire coffee shops and cap rents to inflation, easing living costs in estates.

Gutsy policy proposals but no clarity on how to fund it

WP's proposed housing policies speak directly to middle-class families and retirees crushed by prices.

An HPI of 3.0 would be a game-changer, making homeownership a reality, not a pipe dream.

The 70-year lease option is clever, offering flexibility for cash-strapped buyers, while the buy-back scheme tackles lease decay with precision, ensuring grannies in 40-year-old flats aren’t left penniless.

A very costly proposal

But ambition comes at a cost.

Dropping the HPI to 3.0 means slashing flat prices by 40-50%, requiring massive subsidies or land cost write-offs that could dent fiscal reserves or spike taxes.

The buy-back scheme, while noble, could cost billions if applied universally, and WP’s manifesto is mum on funding.

Worse, there’s no clear plan to boost flat supply, leaving waiting times untouched—a glaring blind spot when young couples are begging for faster BTOs.

WP’s heart is in the right place, but its wallet might not be.

PSP - radical vision, risky bet

The Progress Singapore Party swings for the fences with its Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS), scrapping BTOs to sell flats without land costs—recovered only on resale. This could halve prices, dropping a $400,000 flat to $200,000.

Singles aged 28+ get to buy 2- and 3-room flats anywhere, more flats will be built based on demand, and a Millennial Apartments Scheme offers short-term rentals in prime spots for young folks.

It’s a bold, youth-centric vision, promising to break the affordability curse and free CPF savings for retirement.

Revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops

AHS is a stroke of genius on paper, tackling the root of high prices: land costs, which eat up half a flat’s value.

Letting singles buy at 28 in any estate is a nod to a growing demographic—30% of adults are single—while rental apartments cater to millennials delaying marriage.

But genius comes with glitches.

Deferring land costs guts government revenue ($20 billion yearly from land sales), risking budget shortfalls or reserve dips that Singapore’s fiscal hawks will savage.

Resale markets could tank as cheap new flats flood in, rattling homeowners’ wealth.

AHS demands a complete HDB overhaul, a bureaucratic nightmare to implement.

The Millennial Scheme sounds sexy but faces land scarcity in prime areas, limiting scale.

And PSP’s silence on lease decay is a fatal flaw—retirees with 30 years left on their flats get no lifeline.

It’s a high-stakes gamble: revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops.

SDP - bold but tricky to execute

Slash prices with NOM flats, prioritize families, and secure retirements

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) proposes a transformative Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme, selling HDB flats at cost—excluding land costs—for as low as S$70,000 (2-room) to S$240,000 (5-room).

NOM flats can’t be resold on the open market, only back to HDB, curbing speculation.

The Young Families Priority Scheme (YFPS) fast-tracks flat access for couples with kids, while singles, single parents, and low-income renters get broader eligibility.

An enhanced Lease Buy-Back Scheme offers seniors inflation-adjusted annuities, and a buffer stock of flats aims to slash waiting times.

A sophisticated Vickrey-Clarke-Groves (VCG) balloting system promises efficient allocation.

Affordability and inclusivity with a side of complexity

SDP’s NOM Scheme is a masterstroke for affordability, potentially cutting a 4-room flat from S$400,000 to S$160,000, freeing CPF savings for retirement and family needs.

YFPS directly tackles Singapore’s dismal 0.78 Total Fertility Rate by prioritizing young families, while inclusive policies for singles and single parents resonate with 30% of adults who are single.

The buffer stock and VCG system could shrink waiting times, addressing a key pain point.

The annuity-based Lease Buy-Back is a lifeline for retirees, ensuring dignity without depleting equity.

Bold but tricky to execute

NOM’s cost-recovery model, while appealing, risks government revenue losses similar to PSP’s AHS, though SDP’s resale restrictions may stabilize markets better.

Converting existing flats to NOM could spark legal or financial disputes over compensation.

The VCG system, while innovative, may confuse applicants unused to bidding premiums, and maintaining a buffer stock demands precise demographic forecasting to avoid oversupply.

Funding grants for low-income households (up to S$60,000) and annuities could strain reserves without clear fiscal plans.

SDP’s vision is bold and inclusive but hinges on complex execution and public buy-in.

Verdict

Singapore’s housing crisis—skyrocketing prices, endless waits, and lease decay—demands more than manifesto bravado.

  • PAP offers stability and supply but ducks affordability, betting voters will trust its track record over flashy fixes. Its plan will keep the system humming but won’t ease the squeeze.

  • WP’s price-slashing ambition and retiree focus hit the mark but stumble on funding and supply, risking empty promises. Its heart is right, but its math is shaky.

  • PSP’s radical AHS and youth appeal are electrifying but teeter on fiscal recklessness, ignoring older voters’ fears and homeowners who see housing as their nest egg. Its vision is thrilling but could crash the economy.

  • SDP balances affordability, inclusivity, and demographic fixes with NOM flats and family-focused policies, but its complex mechanisms and revenue risks need ironclad execution. Its plan is ambitious but navigates a tightrope.

GE2025’s housing debate exposes a truth - no party has a silver bullet. Voters must weigh stability against bold reform, affordability against fiscal prudence, and inclusivity against execution risks.

Comparative Analysis

AspectPAPWPPSPSDP
Key Proposals50,000+ new flats, Shorter Waiting Time flats, VERS, options for singles/higher-income.HPI ≤3.0, 70-year leases, universal buy-back, coffee shop rent caps.AHS (no land cost), singles 28+, more supply, Millennial Apartments.NOM Scheme (cost-recovery flats), YFPS, enhanced Lease Buy-Back, buffer stock, VCG balloting.
AffordabilityRelies on supply and grants; no direct price cuts.Targets HPI ≤3.0; flexible leases for cost savings.AHS removes land costs; highly affordable but disruptive.NOM flats slash prices (e.g., S$160,000 for 4-room); grants for low-income.
Lease DecayVERS rejuvenates old estates; proactive but vague.Universal buy-back; direct but costly.No specific measure; overlooks ageing flats.Enhanced Lease Buy-Back with annuities; preserves equity.
Supply and AccessStrong focus on 50,000+ flats; inclusive for singles/higher-income.Limited supply focus; emphasizes affordability over volume.Increases supply; strong singles’ access at 28+.Buffer stock to cut waits; inclusive for singles, single parents, renters.
InnovationIncremental; builds on BTO/VERS frameworks.Moderate; new lease options and buy-back scheme.Transformative; AHS and Millennial Scheme rethink housing models.Transformative; NOM, VCG, and YFPS overhaul pricing and allocation.
FeasibilityHigh; leverages HDB’s systems and reserves.Moderate; HPI target and buy-back costly but implementable.Low to moderate; AHS fiscally risky, others feasible.Moderate; NOM and VCG complex but actionable with reserves.
Voter AppealLikely appeals to families, older voters, and those prioritizing stability and supply.Likely attracts middle-class families, retirees, and young couples seeking affordability.Likely draws younger voters, singles, and reformists open to bold changes.Likely appeals to young families, singles, retirees, and those valuing inclusivity and affordability.
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Jalan Kayu单选区 - 两块“木头”间的艰难抉择

黄志明与卡拉·马尼卡姆的对决揭示信任与分裂的较量

|1 min read
Jalan Kayu单选区 - 两块“木头”间的艰难抉择

2025年5月3日,Jalan Kayu单选区(Jalan Kayu SMC)的29,565名选民将站在十字路口,选择两条崎岖路径之一:人民行动党(PAP)职总秘书长黄志明,背负2024年职总英康收购案的污点,宛如一辆伤痕累累的战车;抑或红点团结党(RDU)的激进教育家卡拉·马尼卡姆,其2021年前进党诉讼风波暴露的个人主义倾向,恰似一艘独木舟在政治风浪中摇摆 [译注:2025年4月22日,红点团结党宣布退出Jalan Kayu单选区,支持工人党参选,以避免多角竞争。本文基于此前候选人假设撰写]。

候选人背景

黄志明(56岁)

黄志明曾于2009至2013年担任新加坡空军总长,2013至2015年升任三军总长,展现军事生涯的严谨与权威。2015年,他代表人民行动党当选巴西立-榜鹅集选区国会议员,但在2020年竞逐盛港集选区时,以47.88%的得票率铩羽而归。自2018年起,他担任职总秘书长,力推劳动力发展和工人权益政策,试图为职场注入活力。然而,2024年职总英康收购案令其公信力蒙尘,被舆论抨击“要么纵容利益输送,要么严重失职”,如同一座信任堡垒被风暴侵蚀。

卡拉·马尼卡姆(57岁)

卡拉·马尼卡姆是单亲母亲、特殊教育专家兼中小企业主,拥有终身教育硕士学位,散发草根魅力。她是新加坡武装部队首批女军官之一,服役七年,官至中尉,彰显坚韧。2020年,她代表前进党竞选义顺集选区,获38.76%选票;同年12月被开除,2021年提起“不当终止党籍”诉讼,后和解。此事暴露其“独行侠”作风。如今,她加入红点团结党,聚焦职业培训和生活成本压力,试图以小党之力撬动选民心弦。

黄志明的职总英康风波

2024年7月,职总与德国保险巨头英杰华(Allianz)提出22亿新元的收购案,宣称将增强职总英康的竞争力。8月,黄志明与职总主席达纳拉克希米发表联合声明,信誓旦旦保证英杰华将维护英康的社会使命。然而,细节如暗礁般浮现,险些葬送交易。英杰华计划提取18.5亿新元资本,近半投资可迅速回笼,恐耗尽维持低保费的储备金,宛如从社会保障的根基抽梁换柱。2024年10月14日,文化、社区及青年部长唐振辉代表政府果断叫停交易,认定其背离英康2022年公司化目标,即强化财务实力以惠及保单持有人。

黄志明坚称职总中央委员会对资本提取计划毫不知情,试图撇清责任,但前英康首席执行官陈瑞财痛斥该计划“违背诚信”,直指交易暗藏私利。新加坡管理大学副教授陈庆文直言,这种无知“令人瞠目结舌” [译注:意指难以置信的疏忽],如同指挥官在战场上迷失方向。2025年1月,黄志明将就业不稳定性归咎于人工智能,回避外籍劳工政策争议,被批“高高在上”,如同一座与民意脱节的孤塔。2020年盛港集选区失利已暴露其政治软肋,选民不禁质疑:他究竟是工人代言人,还是行动党机器的忠实齿轮?

卡拉的前进党诉讼争议

2021年7月,卡拉向高等法院起诉前进党,后移交国家法院,掀起政治风波。她要求宣告2020年12月开除决定“违法无效”,并追讨1万新元竞选开支,指控前进党违宪,未给予她申辩机会。前进党提交七份宣誓书,包括党魁陈清木的证词,指控她破坏团队凝聚力、抗命不遵。同区候选人郑德源透露,她跳过团队会议、擅自组织走访,形同独奏而非合唱。17人联署反对其复职,干部以55:11的投票支持开除决定。

陈清木回忆,2020年11月会议上,卡拉“挑衅好斗”,高喊“证据呢?证据呢?”,如同一头不甘受缚的猛兽。她通过脸书和法庭公开控诉,展现原则性,却也暴露分裂倾向,宛如在政治舞台上独舞。转投红点团结党被批“机会主义”,如同一名独行侠在寻找新战场。诉讼虽和解,但卡拉的个人主义标签挥之不去,恐难适应新加坡强调协作的政治生态。

选情分析

黄志明依托行动党强大的基层网络,Jalan Kayu单选区与宏茂桥集选区的历史渊源为其加分。然而,英康风波重创公信力,盛港失利阴影犹存,选民质疑其是否真为工人发声。卡拉的草根形象贴近民心,反对党协调机制或助其整合选票,但诉讼风波暴露团队协作缺陷,红点团结党知名度有限,难以撼动主流。工人党未派候选人,人民力量党若参选可能分散反对派选票,但红点团结党与其他小党的协调或可缓解分裂风险。这场选举无关谁是耀眼的明星,而是两块“卡由”(马来语“木头”谐音,喻指不完美的候选人)中,谁能更稳固地承载选民的期望。

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GE2025 - Here are the key points from PSP's manifesto

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., GST reduction, caregiver allowances) and political resistance to reforms like GRC abolition.

|10 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from PSP's manifesto

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election, titled “Progress for All,” outlining over 60 policy proposals to address key national issues.

The manifesto focuses on building a fair society, ensuring dignified living standards, providing diverse educational pathways, and strengthening democratic institutions.

Below is a detailed, reorganized summary of the manifesto’s key points, structured for clarity and coherence, based on the provided document.

1. Cost of Living

The PSP addresses Singapore’s escalating cost of living, driven by a 18% rise in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) from July 2020 to February 2025, with specific increases in hawker food (20%), public transport (20%), and water prices (18%). The GST hike from 7% to 9% in 2024 and soaring HDB resale prices (50% increase from Q2 2020 to Q4 2024) exacerbate the burden, while median wages have only risen 21% from $4,534 to $5,500.

  • GST Reduction and Exemptions:
    • Reduce GST to 7%, arguing it’s regressive and Singapore’s $1.2 trillion reserves (12 years of government expenditure) allow fiscal flexibility.
    • Exempt basic essentials (e.g., water, rice, eggs, cooking oil, formula milk) from GST, with price thresholds (e.g., rice under $2/kg) to target lower-income households.
  • Land Cost Reforms:
    • Defer land cost for HDB Build-To-Order (BTO) flats, recording it at sale and recovering it with interest upon resale, treating public housing as essential infrastructure like schools.
    • Treat land sales proceeds as revenue over the lease period (e.g., 99 years), allowing 5% annual draw for budget use, providing a cumulative revenue stream without depleting reserves.
  • Commercial Rent Control:
    • Have the Fair Tenancy Industry Committee (FTIC) issue guidelines on annual rent increases for commercial properties, aligning with economic growth to moderate business costs.
  • Hawker Centre Reforms:
    • Set hawker stall rents at $500/month or 3% of gross turnover (whichever is higher), replacing the tender system to lower costs (current median: $1,625/month).
    • Phase out Socially-conscious Enterprise Hawker Centres (SEHCs) and centralize management under a new agency, “Hawker Singapore,” to reduce costs and promote hawker culture.
  • Food Affordability:
    • Provide government-funded food discounts for Pioneer Generation, Merdeka Generation, and CHAS cardholders at hawker centres, funded by respective funds.
    • Increase CDC Vouchers for lower-income households to offset food costs, relieving hawkers from funding budget meals.
  • Healthcare Affordability:
    • Nationalize MediShield Life and CareShield Life, with government-funded premiums for all Singaporeans, costing $2-3 billion annually to ease premium burdens.
    • Centralize drug procurement for public and private healthcare facilities to reduce costs through bulk bargaining.
    • Offer a $3,000 “HealthierMother” cash gift per child to defray confinement costs post-childbirth.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
GSTReduce to 7%, exempt essentialsEase regressive tax burden
Land CostsDefer HDB land costs, spread land sales revenueLower housing and business costs
Hawker ReformsFixed/low rents, phase out SEHCsKeep food prices affordable
HealthcareNationalize insurance, centralize drug procurementReduce medical expenses

2. Housing

The PSP critiques the BTO system’s long waiting times and rising resale prices (50% increase from Q2 2020 to Q4 2024), driven by land costs (60% of BTO costs) and lease decay concerns. The government’s subsidies to keep BTO prices affordable increase fiscal burdens, necessitating a rethink of housing policies.

  • Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS):
    • Replace BTO with AHS, selling flats at construction cost plus a location-based premium, excluding land cost unless sold on the resale market.
    • Ensure affordability without depleting CPF savings, severing the link between housing and retirement, with minimal impact on resale market due to limited supply (20,000 flats/year).
  • Singles Housing Access:
    • Allow singles aged 28+ to buy 2- and 3-room BTO flats and all resale flats in any estate, compared to the current age 35 limit for 2-room Flexi BTOs.
  • Increase Flat Supply:
    • Build more flats based on forecasted demand (e.g., marriage and birth rates), using unused state properties (e.g., former schools) to reduce waiting times.
  • Millennial Apartments Scheme:
    • Offer affordable, high-quality rental apartments in the CBD and mature estates for young couples/singles on 2-5 year leases, providing flexibility and reducing pressure to buy early.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
AHSExclude land cost for owner-occupied flatsAffordable housing, protect retirement savings
SinglesLower age to 28 for BTO/resale flatsMeet young Singaporeans’ housing needs
SupplyBuild ahead of demand, repurpose propertiesReduce waiting times
RentalsMillennial Apartments SchemeFlexible housing for youth

3. Jobs and Wages

With foreign workers comprising 39% of the workforce, the PSP aims to prioritize Singaporeans while ensuring fair competition and better work-life balance, addressing overwork (90% work beyond official hours) and wage stagnation.

  • Minimum Living Wage:
    • Set a $2,250/month minimum wage ($1,800 take-home after CPF), based on 2019 Minimum Income Standard, to ensure dignity and reduce reliance on subsidies.
  • Foreign Worker Policies:
    • Strengthen the Fair Consideration Framework (FCF) by extending job ad periods, requiring more ads, and proving no suitable Singaporean candidate.
    • Introduce per-company EP quotas, with higher quotas for SMEs, to balance global talent access and local priority.
    • Impose a $1,200/month EP levy to offset employers’ CPF savings on foreign workers.
    • Raise EP minimum qualifying salary to $10,000/month (from $5,600-$10,700).
    • Limit single-nationality work pass holders per company to prevent workplace enclaves.
  • Worker Protections:
    • Exempt retrenched employees from non-compete clauses to ease job transitions.
    • Mandate statutory retrenchment benefits (2 weeks’ salary per year of service for 2+ years’ service), exempting small or bankrupt firms.
  • Parental Leave:
    • Equalize parental leave at 15 weeks per parent (4 weeks maternity/paternity, 22 weeks shared equally), promoting shared parenting responsibilities.
  • Family-Friendly Employers:
    • Offer incentives like higher foreign worker quotas to employers supporting parental leave.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Wages$2,250/month minimum wageEnsure dignified living
Foreign WorkersEP quotas, levy, higher salary thresholdPrioritize Singaporeans
ProtectionsNo non-compete for retrenched, statutory benefitsEnhance job security
LeaveEqual 15-week parental leavePromote gender equity

4. Social Safety Net

The PSP seeks to simplify and strengthen social support, reducing reliance on complex schemes and supporting caregivers, seniors, and healthcare needs.

  • Redundancy Insurance:
    • Introduce a scheme paying 75% of the last-drawn salary for 6 months (capped at $3,750/month), funded by 0.5% monthly contributions from employers/employees.
  • Caregiver Support:
    • Provide a $1,250/month allowance (including CPF) for full-time caregivers of children under 7, costing up to $2.5 billion annually, replacing childcare subsidies.
  • Silver Support Scheme:
    • Double payouts to $430-$2,160/quarter ($144-$720/month), based on flat type and income, for seniors with low retirement savings.
  • Pioneer and Merdeka Funds:
    • Publish projected investment income and ensure full utilization of funds ($5.52 billion for PG, $5.55 billion for MG as of March 2024).
  • CPF Lifetime Retirement Investment Scheme (LRIS):
    • Implement LRIS, allowing investment in low-fee, diversified funds (6-10% annual returns over 5 years, per US 401(k) data), boosting retirement savings.
  • MediSave Expansion:
    • Increase MediSave500/700 withdrawal limits ($500/$700 annually for outpatient care) and cover preventive dental treatments, maternity fees, and egg freezing.
  • Fertility Support:
    • Offer 75% co-funding for unlimited ART cycles for women under 40 (until 2 children), and 3 fresh/3 frozen cycles for ages 40-45.
  • Mental Health:
    • Increase MediSave withdrawal limits for mental health treatments (e.g., schizophrenia, depression), regulate counsellors, and reduce public hospital waiting times (47 days for psychiatrists, 36 for psychologists in 2023).
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Redundancy75% salary for 6 monthsFinancial security for unemployed
Caregivers$1,250/month for child caregiversSupport unpaid contributions
SeniorsDouble Silver Support payoutsDignified retirement
HealthcareExpand MediSave, fund ARTReduce out-of-pocket costs

5. Education

Despite Singapore’s top PISA 2022 rankings, the PSP critiques over-reliance on tuition ($104.80/month household expenditure in 2023) and high-stakes exams, which foster fear of failure (2018 PISA). The system should offer diverse pathways and equal opportunities.

  • Through-Train Programme:
    • Pilot a 10-year programme (Primary 1 to Secondary 4) with optional PSLE, emphasizing holistic curricula (arts, humanities, sports) and flexible assessments.
  • School Size Diversity:
    • Maintain a range of school sizes, avoiding mergers to preserve heritage and support diverse needs (e.g., neurodivergent students).
  • Assessment Reform:
    • Reduce reliance on summative exams, using portfolios and projects to foster critical thinking, collaboration, and creativity.
  • Smaller Class Sizes:
    • Lower class sizes (from 33.6 primary, 32.6 secondary in 2023) by re-employing older teachers as Flexi-Adjuncts and using technology to reduce administrative burdens.
  • Mental Health Support:
    • Conduct annual mental health assessments for students, increase school counsellors to 2 per school (from 1 in two-thirds of schools), and monitor teacher burnout.
  • International Students:
    • Limit scholarships/tuition grants for international students (10% of AU undergrads, $238 million in 2019), prioritizing full-fee payers to subsidize locals.
  • University Access:
    • Review AU places for Singaporeans, especially in Medicine, and expand vocational pathways (e.g., WSQ qualifications) for university admission.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
CurriculumOptional PSLE, holistic focusReduce exam stress, broaden skills
SchoolsDiverse sizes, smaller classesMeet varied student needs
Mental HealthAnnual assessments, more counsellorsSupport student/teacher well-being
AccessLimit foreign grants, expand vocational pathsPrioritize Singaporeans, diversify entry

6. Governance

The PSP addresses concerns over the PAP’s parliamentary dominance, lack of checks and balances, and recent policy missteps (e.g., Covid-19 dormitory outbreaks, SimplyGo reversal). It seeks to enhance transparency and accountability.

  • Ministerial Salaries:
    • Benchmark salaries to median Singaporean income (not top 1,000 earners) to reflect public service ethos.
  • Asset Declarations:
    • Require MPs to publicly declare assets post-election in a Register of Interests, following Commonwealth practices (e.g., UK, Australia).
  • Sovereign Wealth Funds:
    • Hold closed-door parliamentary hearings for Temasek and GIC, publish senior management salary ranges, and compare performance to global benchmarks.
  • Freedom of Information:
    • Enact a Freedom of Information Act, requiring government disclosure unless exemptions (e.g., national security) are justified in court.
    • Automatically declassify documents after 25 years, unless restricted for security.
  • Media Reform:
    • Liberalize the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act, removing ministerial approval for management shares, and reduce online news content provider bonds ($50,000 to $20,000).
    • Establish an independent press standards committee to handle complaints and enforce journalistic integrity, funded by Parliament.
    • Fund local digital media start-ups to foster diversity, redirecting $900 million SPH Media Trust and $310 million MediaCorp grants.
  • POFMA Reform:
    • Vest POFMA powers in the judiciary, limiting use to deliberate falsehood campaigns to reduce chilling effects on free speech.
  • Electoral Reforms:
    • Abolish GRCs, replacing with minority NCMP schemes or a hybrid FPTP/proportional representation system with multi-racial candidate mandates.
    • Reform electoral boundary reviews with transparent processes, fixed voter counts (30,000 ±10%), and bipartisan approval for major boundary changes.
  • People’s Association (PA):
    • Depoliticize PA by appointing neutral public servants as Grassroots Advisors, excluding MPs and political figures.
  • Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs):
    • Mandate public EIAs for major developments, with 2-month feedback periods, evaluating biodiversity, ecosystems, and emissions.
  • Voting Age:
    • Lower voting age to 18, aligning with global norms and National Service obligations.
  • Parliamentary Support:
    • Create a Parliament Research Service (PRS) with seconded experts to support MPs’ policy research.
    • Form bipartisan standing committees to scrutinize legislation over 2 months, with powers to subpoena witnesses and access PRS.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
TransparencyFOIA, declassify documents, asset declarationsEnhance public access, trust
Electoral SystemAbolish GRCs, reform boundariesEnsure fairer elections
MediaLiberalize laws, independent committeeFoster diverse, quality journalism
GovernanceDepoliticize PA, non-partisan SpeakerStrengthen impartial institutions

Conclusion

Launched ahead of the May 3, 2025, election, the PSP’s manifesto builds on parliamentary proposals since 2020, reflecting resident feedback and critiques of PAP policies.

The party emphasizes its role in holding the government accountable, citing past PAP responses (e.g., Pioneer Generation Package) to opposition gains.

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., GST reduction, caregiver allowances) and political resistance to reforms like GRC abolition.

The PSP’s focus on affordability, housing, and governance aligns with public concerns, but success depends on electing at least 33 opposition MPs to block constitutional amendments.

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GE2025 - Here are the key points from WP's manifesto

The 122-page document, launched at the WP headquarters, outlines 125 policy proposals across five key areas: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.

|14 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from WP's manifesto

The Workers' Party (WP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election last Thursday (Apr 17) titled “Working for Singapore.”

The 122-page document, launched at the WP headquarters, outlines 125 policy proposals across five key areas: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.

Below is a detailed, reorganized summary of the manifesto’s key points, structured for clarity and coherence.

1. Affordability and Cost of Living

The WP proposes a range of measures to address Singapore’s high cost of living, focusing on transparency, alternative revenue sources, financial safety nets, and affordability of essential services and goods.

  • Transparency in Cost Management: Establish a Standing Parliamentary Committee on Cost of Living to monitor and ensure transparency in addressing living expenses.

  • Alternative Revenue Sources: Reduce reliance on Goods and Services Tax (GST) by:

    • Recognizing revenue from land sales over the first 9 years immediately.

    • Increasing the Net Investment Returns Contribution (NIRC) from 50% to 60%.

    • Introducing taxes on alcohol, carbon, and tobacco.

    • Implementing a net wealth tax of 0.5-2% on the top 1% of wealth holders.

    • Setting a minimum corporate tax rate of 15%.

  • GST Exemptions: Exempt essential items, such as basic food, from GST to lower costs for households.

  • Redundancy Insurance Scheme: Introduce a scheme providing 40% of the last drawn salary for 6 months, capped at 40% of median income, funded by a 0.1% monthly premium shared between employers and employees.

  • Retrenchment Benefits: Mandate retrenchment benefits for private sector employers with 25 or more employees.

  • National Minimum Wage: Set a minimum wage of $1,600 for full-time workers, pro-rated for part-time workers.

  • Tiered Utility Pricing: Implement tiered pricing for electricity and water with a graduated Water Conservation Tax ranging from 30-60%.

  • Healthcare Affordability:

    • Lift the MediSave cap for individuals over 60 to increase access to savings for medical expenses.

    • Introduce the Silver Living Development Scheme for affordable assisted living facilities.

    • Include persons with disabilities (PwDs) in Community Health Assist Scheme (CHAS) subsidies.

    • Establish a National Cancer Care Appeals Board to handle complex cancer cases.

  • Housing Affordability:

    • Ensure the Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio is ≤3.0 for first-time Build-To-Order (BTO) buyers.

    • Offer 70-year BTO leases at lower prices with an option to extend to 99 years.

    • Implement a universal buy-back scheme for ageing HDB flats.

  • Support for Local Businesses:

    • Have the National Environment Agency (NEA) manage hawker centres to keep costs low.

    • Have the Housing Development Board (HDB) reacquire coffee shops to control rental prices.

    • Have JTC Corporation expand low-rent industrial spaces for small businesses.

    • Cap rental growth to the rate of inflation.

  • Education Subsidies:

    • Extend preschool fee assistance to all preschools in HDB estates.

    • Equalize Special Education (SPED) school fees to $13 per month.

  • Transport Affordability:

    • Reduce Certificate of Entitlement (COE) volatility by redistributing quotas, categorizing motorcycle COEs by value, requiring private hire cars to be in the Open category, and ensuring equitable Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) 2.0 with discounts.

    • Establish a National Transport Corporation (NTC) to operate public transport on a non-profit basis.

    • Provide free off-peak public transport for seniors and PwDs.

    • Increase subsidies for school buses for students with disabilities.

Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Revenue AlternativesWealth tax, increased NIRC, new taxesReduce GST reliance, fund social programs
Financial Safety NetsRedundancy insurance, minimum wageProtect workers from economic shocks
HousingAffordable BTO leases, buy-back schemeMake homeownership accessible
TransportNon-profit NTC, free off-peak transportLower commuting costs for vulnerable groups

2. Economic Growth and Opportunities

The WP aims to foster economic growth by prioritizing local talent, supporting small businesses, and preparing for an ageing population through innovative industries and financial reforms.

  • Local Talent Development:

    • Tie Employment Pass (EP) renewals to skills transfer programs to benefit local workers.

    • Introduce fixed-term passes for industries with fewer local shortages.

    • Track and report Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) for foreign worker employment.

    • Expand intakes at Institutes of Technical Education (ITE), polytechnics, and universities for Shortage Occupation List (SOL) roles.

    • Lower the SkillsFuture mid-career qualifying age to 35.

    • Offer interest-free SkillsFuture education loans for Continuing Education and Training (CET).

    • Allow SkillsFuture Credit to be used for AI subscriptions.

    • Align curriculum with labor market needs through feedback loops.

    • Subsidize tradespersons licensing courses for those under 40 and enforce licensing.

    • Track skills-related underemployment to address workforce mismatches.

  • Support for SMEs:

    • Train managers in leadership skills to improve business efficiency.

    • Benchmark salaries by sector to ensure competitiveness.

    • Streamline grants for green transitions, such as the Energy Efficient Grant.

    • Establish an Export-Import Bank (Exim Bank) to support exports, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), digitalization, and sustainability.

  • Retirement Age Reform: Abolish the statutory retirement age, complementing the Workplace Fairness Act 2025, without affecting the CPF Payout Age.

  • Silver Industries: Develop telemedicine, healthtech, mobility tech, elderly nutrition, and assisted living solutions to cater to nearly 1 million elderly by 2030.

  • CPF Enhancements:

    • Offer an option to co-invest with the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) for higher returns.

    • Provide special dividends from GIC returns.

    • Review the CPF Ordinary Account (OA) interest rate formula.

    • De-link the HDB loan rate from the CPF OA rate, pegging it to 0.1% above the 3-month fixed deposit rate, with a floor of 2.6%.

Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Local TalentSkills transfer, education expansionIncrease employability of Singaporeans
SMEsLeadership training, green grantsBoost small business competitiveness
Silver IndustriesTelemedicine, healthtech developmentAddress needs of ageing population
CPFCo-investment with GIC, revised interest ratesEnhance retirement savings

3. Inclusion and Equality

The WP seeks to promote social equity by addressing poverty, supporting vulnerable groups, and ensuring fair access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities.

  • Social Outcome Tracking: Publish a developmental dashboard covering GDP, inequality, participation, health, and climate goals; adopt the ILO Social Protection Framework; issue annual reports.

  • Poverty Line: Set an official poverty line through a committee with government, civil society, and academia; peg assistance thresholds to this line.

  • Support for Parents and Caregivers:

    • Extend childcare leave per child up to age 12.

    • Establish Family Care Leave of up to 6 days per year, with the first 3 days employer-paid.

    • Provide additional leave for multiple care recipients.

    • Compensate caregivers with tiered payments and CPF contributions.

    • Expand the Home Caregiving Grant to $600 per month for Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs).

    • Create a single support point for parents of disabled children.

    • Expand the Early Intervention Programme for Infants and Children (EIPIC).

    • Expand respite care with subsidies for lower-income families.

    • Offer tax relief for employers with re-entry programs.

  • Gender Health Gap: Include peri/menopausal check-ups and physiotherapy subsidies in Healthier SG, and provide support for mothers.

  • Dental Care: Expand subsidies and allow MediSave use for dental care from age 60 by mid-2026.

  • Polyclinic Access: Increase walk-in slots at polyclinics for seniors and PwDs.

  • Education Reforms:

    • Reduce class sizes to 23 (from 29-33, compared to OECD’s 21-24).

    • Implement later school start times: primary at 8:00 am, secondary at 8:30 am, post-secondary at 9:00 am.

    • Offer an optional 10-year through-train programme from Primary 1 to Secondary 4, eliminating the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE).

    • Introduce a Teach for Singapore scheme for dual-trained teachers.

    • Centralize tuition for low-income students on school premises with Edusave incentives.

  • SkillsFuture for PwDs: Enhance SkillsFuture programs to better support persons with disabilities.

  • Housing for Singles: Lower the minimum age for buying BTO flats for singles to 28.

  • Ethnic Integration Policy: Abolish block quotas while retaining neighborhood quotas.

  • Foreign Spouses: Implement a points-based residency system with transparent rejection reasons.

  • Workplace Fairness:

    • Require employers with 10 or more employees to report gender pay gaps.

    • Ban non-compete clauses for mid- and low-level employees.

    • Enhance the Workplace Fairness Act to better protect PwDs.

    • Revert the Working Mother’s Child Relief (WMCR) to a percentage-based system with a $1,000 tax credit for mothers earning less than $25,000.

  • National Holidays: Reinstate Thaipusam as a national holiday, bringing the total to 12 holidays.

Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Poverty ReductionOfficial poverty line, social outcome trackingTarget aid to those in need
Caregiver SupportExtended leave, financial aidEase burden on families
Education AccessSmaller classes, no PSLE optionImprove learning outcomes
Workplace EquityGender pay gap reporting, no non-compete clausesPromote fair employment practices

4. Accountability and Democracy

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen democratic institutions, enhance transparency, and ensure fair elections and governance.

  • Accountability Mechanisms:

    • Establish an Office of Ombudsman to investigate complaints and publish annual reports.

    • Set up Select Committees for each ministry to oversee operations.

    • Form a non-partisan Parliamentary Budget Office to evaluate policy proposals.

    • Reform the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR) to be non-political with fixed terms.

    • Enhance the Ministerial Code with independent assessments by the Auditor-General and judges.

    • Regulate lobbying with a public register.

  • Voice and Agency:

    • Lower the voting age to 18 to increase youth participation.

    • Safeguard the independence of institutions like the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), Elections Department (ELD), and Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) under multi-partisan oversight.

    • Prohibit close relatives or political appointees from holding key positions in these institutions.

  • Anti-Corruption and Elections:

    • Reconstitute the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) as the NACC, led by an independent Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, and CEO, overseen by a multi-partisan Parliamentary Committee.

    • Ensure ELD and EBRC operate independently from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

  • Electoral Reforms:

    • Abolish Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP), and Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) schemes.

    • Revert all GRCs to Single Member Constituencies (SMCs).

    • Require parties to field multiracial slates.

    • Amend Article 49 to hold by-elections within 3 months for vacant SMCs.

  • Presidency Reforms:

    • Revert to a ceremonial President appointed by Parliament.

    • Establish a separate Senate for discretionary powers.

    • Allow Parliament to overturn Senate veto with a three-quarters majority.

  • Local Governance: Abolish the Office of the Mayor and devolve its roles to other structures.

  • Advertising Transparency:

    • Require public sector and political advertising to declare sponsored content, disclose spending, measure effectiveness, and apply ROI tests.

    • Mandate political parties and candidates to disclose payments to digital content creators.

  • Labor Rights:

    • Allow independent trade unions.

    • Review the tripartite system.

    • Permit workers to form non-NTUC associations.

  • Information Access:

    • Institute a Freedom of Information Act for citizen requests.

    • Declassify National Archives after 25 years, with “Secret” material subject to requests.

    • Release Cabinet papers after 40 years.

    • Publish government population projections for 2040 and 2050.

Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
GovernanceOmbudsman, independent oversightIncrease accountability
Electoral SystemAbolish GRCs, revert to SMCsEnsure fairer elections
TransparencyFreedom of Information Act, lobbying registerEnhance public trust
Labor RightsIndependent unions, non-NTUC associationsEmpower workers

5. Security and Geopolitics

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen judicial independence, enhance public safety, promote environmental sustainability, and bolster national defense and diplomacy.

  • Judicial Reforms:

    • Enhance judicial oversight of ministerial decisions under acts like the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (FICA) and Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA), with court appeals and in-camera proceedings for national security.

    • Protect judicial independence by removing fixed-term Judicial Commissioners.

    • Amend the Administration of Justice Act to remove government immunity.

    • Restore the “real risk” threshold for scandalizing the judiciary.

    • Separate the Attorney-General’s roles into Public Prosecutor and Government Legal Advisor.

    • Raise judges’ retirement age from 65 to 70.

    • Have capital cases decided by a tribunal of two judges with unanimous decision.

    • Remove the mandatory death penalty.

  • Policing and Scams:

    • Enhance scam protections with an insurance scheme, a $500 consumer liability cap, and a Scam Victim Restitution Fund.

    • Have the Competition and Consumer Commission of Singapore (CCCS) enforce standards.

    • Safeguard arrested persons’ rights with legal information, early lawyer access, and video-recorded interviews.

    • Establish an Independent Police Complaints Commission.

  • Community Organizations:

    • Depoliticize taxpayer-funded organizations.

    • Abolish the Grassroots Advisor (GRA) position in the People’s Association (PA), led by neutral civil servants.

    • Foster ground-up National Sports Associations (NSAs).

    • Create an independent arts body for licensing and grants.

  • Environmental Sustainability:

    • Balance urban development with stronger environmental laws.

    • Monitor land use and designate secondary forests as reserves.

    • Conduct public Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs).

    • Increase renewables to 30% by 2030, 40% by 2035, and 50% by 2040.

    • Track natural capital in national income.

    • Preserve forests and mangroves.

    • Address greenwashing.

    • Make public EIAs and Environmental Management and Monitoring Plans (EMMPs).

  • Anti-Discrimination:

    • Legislate against discrimination.

    • Survey workplace harassment.

    • Criminalize uncovered behaviors.

  • National Defense:

    • Strengthen countermeasures against grey zone tactics.

    • Increase surveillance.

    • Enhance defense agreements.

    • Promote media literacy in schools and National Service (NS).

    • Protect subsea interests.

    • Enhance repair capabilities.

    • Implement psychological fitness assessments like the US Army General Assessment Tool (GAT).

    • Provide resilience training.

    • Defend digital space with Digital and Intelligence Service (DIS) integration.

    • Establish a vulnerability equities process.

  • Security Budgets:

    • Raise National Servicemen Full-time (NSFs)’ salaries to the median $1,600 per month, renamed “NS salary” with CPF contributions.

    • Ensure equal opportunities in the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF).

    • Provide fair representation.

    • Increase transparency in the Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) budget, currently $23.44 billion for FY2025, with $22.0 billion for military expenditure, broken down into equipment, maintenance, allowances, and salaries.

    • Grant Public Accounts Committee access.

  • Internal Resilience:

    • Maintain domestic manufacturing for essentials.

    • Grant legislative powers for emergencies.

    • Increase local farm uptake to 30% of nutritional needs by 2030.

    • Establish long-term contracts with institutional buyers.

    • Repeal the Internal Security Act (ISA).

    • Replace ISA with an anti-terrorism law with limited detention and court trials.

  • Diplomacy and Trade:

    • Strengthen ASEAN with majority voting, enforcement, collaboration, and people-to-people exchanges.

    • Support Myanmar stability via the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

    • Enforce arms export bans.

    • Support maritime peace in East Asia.

    • Encourage adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

    • Finalize the South China Sea (SCS) Code of Conduct.

    • Recognize the State of Palestine and support a two-state solution.

    • Establish a Singapore Agency for International Development for Official Development Assistance (ODA), focusing on Southeast Asia.

Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Judicial IndependenceSeparate AG roles, remove mandatory death penaltyStrengthen rule of law
Public SafetyScam protections, police complaints commissionEnhance consumer and citizen protections
EnvironmentIncrease renewables, preserve forestsPromote sustainability
DiplomacyStrengthen ASEAN, recognize PalestineFoster regional and global stability

Conclusion

The WP’s manifesto builds on its 2020 manifesto, retaining unimplemented proposals and introducing new ones based on resident feedback.

The party emphasizes that its policies are developed independently of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), focusing on gaps in existing systems.

While the WP’s proposals are ambitious, their feasibility depends on parliamentary support and economic conditions.

For instance, the wealth tax and GST exemptions may face resistance due to fiscal implications, while electoral reforms like abolishing GRCs could spark debate over representation.

The WP’s focus on affordability and equality resonates with public concerns, but implementation would require careful prioritization and collaboration.