Fathership

Man Claims He Told Wife He Was On Sriwijaya Flight But Was Actually In Bali With His Mistress

Indonesia is still mourning over the crash of Sriwijaya Air SJ 182 that occurred on 9 January. In the midst of such heartbreaking grief, families of the victims are trying their level best to find some sort of closure from the incident. Knowing that the victims are never coming back, these family members have no […]

|3 min read
Man Claims He Told Wife He Was On Sriwijaya Flight But Was Actually In Bali With His Mistress

Knowing that the victims are never coming back, these family members have no other choice but to carry their chin up and be prepared to live each day with a heavy heart.

However, maybe one of these ‘victims’ could come back? Um, what do you mean?

According to Padang Kita, it has been reported by a TikTok user, @Thojenk, that one of the so-called ‘victims’ that goes by the name Big Boss, lied to his wife that he had boarded the plane from Jakarta to Pontianak as he had to go on a business trip.

Turns out, Big Boss went to Bali instead with his mistress for a quick getaway.

@thojenk1

ngakunya kepontianak naik pesawat..tapi ternyata suaminya ke...?#selingkuhituindah #tiktokmalaysiaviral #suami #pelakor #tiktokindonesiafyp

♬ original sound - DJ RYCKO RIA

To make his lies seem as legit as possible, he told his wife that he will be boarding the Sriwijaya plane which is scheduled to depart at 14.00hrs.

His plan backfired when he learnt that the Sriwijaya plane had crashed.

The TikTok user revealed the entire scandal on his TikTok account.

@thojenk1

Balas @lastfeli sibapak curhat karena ketahuan selingkuh kebali....tapi tenda udah siap drumah menunggu mayatnya#selingkuhituindah #selingkuh #suami

♬ original sound - Thojenk

“Seconds after the plane had crashed, turns out that there was a big boss who lied about boarding a plane to Pontianak, claiming to be on a business trip,” the user shared in a TikTok video.

“But it turns out that he was actually in Bali celebrating his anniversary with his mistress” he continued to explain in the video.

“Now he is worried about going home because at home now has chairs and a tent prepared for guests to attend his funeral,” he wrote.

Sceptical about going home, he tries to weigh the facts: if he does go home, his family would be grateful that he is still alive. But, at the same time, if he does go home, he has to reveal about his affair to his wife. So… either way, he is dead.

This story ended up going viral not only because it circulated around the TikTok application but also was shared on Instagram by a famous gynaecologist and sexologist doctor in Indonesia, Dr. H. Boyke Dian Nugraha.

Many netizens found the whole thing hilarious while some were outraged. However, many are still wondering if all this could just be one big joke…

What do you guys think? Let us know in the comment section below.

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工人党无需担忧反对党全军覆没——阿裕尼与后港选区胜券在握

新加坡反对党堡垒的底气与隐忧

|1 min read
工人党无需担忧反对党全军覆没——阿裕尼与后港选区胜券在握

根据《海峡时报》专访,工人党新人哈普雷特·辛格(Harpreet Singh)近日坦言,不愿被“空降”至“安全选区”。此言如石投湖面,激起涟漪,揭示了工人党对后港和阿裕尼等选区坚如磐石的自信,暗示其内部对这些传统票仓的掌控力。

哈普雷特的表态证实了外界长期的猜测:在人民行动党(PAP)主宰的新加坡政坛,后港选区(自1991年起为工人党根据地)和阿裕尼集选区(2011年夺下)堪称反对党的“铁打营盘”。2020年大选(GE2020)中,工人党在后港赢得61.2%的选票,阿裕尼集选区得票率达59.9%。虽非压倒性胜利,但在人民行动党(上届93席中占83席)的绝对优势下,这份选民忠诚度无疑是一股不容小觑的力量。

然而,工人党秘书长普里坦·辛格(Pritam Singh)却频频警告反对党可能“全军覆没”,正如《亚洲新闻台》今年初报道所述。这番危言耸听的论调,与哈普雷特的乐观表态形成鲜明对比,令人不禁质疑其真实意图。

普里坦的“全军覆没”危言

普里坦在呼吁党内团结时反复提及“全军覆没”的风险,表面上是为激励支持者,防止自满情绪滋生。他将选举塑造成一场生死存亡的较量,意在确保工人党支持者——尤其是在后港与阿裕尼等关键选区——踊跃投票。这种“恐惧动员”在新家坡政坛并不陌生,堪称政治教科书中的经典一招。

然而,这柄双刃剑暗藏风险。哈普雷特对“安全选区”的坦率承认,暗示工人党私下对核心选区的稳固地位信心十足。公开渲染“全军覆没”的危机,难免让敏锐的选民嗅到一丝虚伪的气息。在新加坡这个以务实著称的城邦,选民对政治话术的洞察力不容小觑。若他们察觉工人党夸大风险以操控舆论,这种“公信力货币”本就稀缺的政党恐将陷入信任危机。

更棘手的是,普里坦自身的诚信风波为其言论蒙上阴影。今年早些时候,他因在国会特权委员会(Committee of Privileges)作伪证被判两项罪名成立。案件源于他处理前国会议员拉希莎·汗(Raeesah Khan)2021年在国会谎称陪同性侵受害者报警一事的失当行为。这场风波令普里坦的公信力备受考验,也让他的“全军覆没”论调更显牵强。

“弱势牌”的高风险博弈

普里坦绝非政坛新手。作为律师、国会议员及深耕新加坡政坛多年的老将,他的“全军覆没”论并非出于对后港或阿裕尼选情的真正担忧,而是精心设计的动员策略。在选民冷漠情绪可能滋生的岛国,点燃支持者的危机感是政治动员的入门课。

然而,过犹不及。过度渲染弱势地位,恐有“狼来了”之虞。正如哈普雷特所暗示,若工人党的核心选区稳如泰山,普里坦的末日论调可能适得其反,侵蚀选民信任。在新加坡,选民对政治操作的敏锐嗅觉不容低估。2023年爱德曼调查显示,78%的新加坡人对政府抱有高度信任,这种信任文化使得任何试图操弄民意的行为都可能招致反感。

2025年大选(GE2025)即将来临,工人党应抛弃戏剧化的危机叙事,转而深耕政策与基层。在这个以理性与实干为本的国度,选民更看重政党的实际作为,而非耸人听闻的“全军覆没”呐喊。无论选区是否“安全”,选举的胜负始终取决于扎根选民的真诚努力,而非高调的恐惧营销。

在这个崇尚实质的城邦,空洞的话术终将被务实的行动盖过光芒。

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PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

Dr Tan called PM Wong's statement on the US tariffs as a fear-mongering but later admitted that it's a very serious problem.

|2 min read
PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

During the PSP's manifesto launch early this month (Apr 6), Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the party's chairman, criticized the government's response to the US tariffs as "overblown".

He suggested that the government's strong warnings, such as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's (PM Wong) statement on about the "likelihood of a full-blown global trade war," might be an attempt to "instil fear" in voters to make them choose the incumbent as a "safe bet" ahead of the General Election.

In a YouTube video, PM Wong urged Singaporeans to brace themselves because the risks are real and the stakes high.

Dr Tan called for economists to study the real impact of the tariffs. "Don't just make statements of this kind and scare everybody," he said.

To worry or not to worry?

On Saturday (Apr 19), Dr Tan reiterated his party’s stance on the trade war, calling it “a very difficult problem, but a very serious problem” that “we are not taking lightly”.

He said: "Trump is so unpredictable. I cannot give you the answer also. But i don't think that we are just lying low and say oh, nothing to worry. of course, we worry differently. We are looking for answers. This is a very difficult, serious problem. And we are not taking it lightly."

PSP's position on the US tariffs reflects a critical view of the government's initial response as potentially exaggerated for political gain but later recognized the trade war's significant economic implications that should not be taken lightly.

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GE2025 - Here are the key points from PSP's manifesto

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., GST reduction, caregiver allowances) and political resistance to reforms like GRC abolition.

|10 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from PSP's manifesto

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election, titled “Progress for All,” outlining over 60 policy proposals to address key national issues.

The manifesto focuses on building a fair society, ensuring dignified living standards, providing diverse educational pathways, and strengthening democratic institutions.

Below is a detailed, reorganized summary of the manifesto’s key points, structured for clarity and coherence, based on the provided document.

1. Cost of Living

The PSP addresses Singapore’s escalating cost of living, driven by a 18% rise in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) from July 2020 to February 2025, with specific increases in hawker food (20%), public transport (20%), and water prices (18%). The GST hike from 7% to 9% in 2024 and soaring HDB resale prices (50% increase from Q2 2020 to Q4 2024) exacerbate the burden, while median wages have only risen 21% from $4,534 to $5,500.

  • GST Reduction and Exemptions:
    • Reduce GST to 7%, arguing it’s regressive and Singapore’s $1.2 trillion reserves (12 years of government expenditure) allow fiscal flexibility.
    • Exempt basic essentials (e.g., water, rice, eggs, cooking oil, formula milk) from GST, with price thresholds (e.g., rice under $2/kg) to target lower-income households.
  • Land Cost Reforms:
    • Defer land cost for HDB Build-To-Order (BTO) flats, recording it at sale and recovering it with interest upon resale, treating public housing as essential infrastructure like schools.
    • Treat land sales proceeds as revenue over the lease period (e.g., 99 years), allowing 5% annual draw for budget use, providing a cumulative revenue stream without depleting reserves.
  • Commercial Rent Control:
    • Have the Fair Tenancy Industry Committee (FTIC) issue guidelines on annual rent increases for commercial properties, aligning with economic growth to moderate business costs.
  • Hawker Centre Reforms:
    • Set hawker stall rents at $500/month or 3% of gross turnover (whichever is higher), replacing the tender system to lower costs (current median: $1,625/month).
    • Phase out Socially-conscious Enterprise Hawker Centres (SEHCs) and centralize management under a new agency, “Hawker Singapore,” to reduce costs and promote hawker culture.
  • Food Affordability:
    • Provide government-funded food discounts for Pioneer Generation, Merdeka Generation, and CHAS cardholders at hawker centres, funded by respective funds.
    • Increase CDC Vouchers for lower-income households to offset food costs, relieving hawkers from funding budget meals.
  • Healthcare Affordability:
    • Nationalize MediShield Life and CareShield Life, with government-funded premiums for all Singaporeans, costing $2-3 billion annually to ease premium burdens.
    • Centralize drug procurement for public and private healthcare facilities to reduce costs through bulk bargaining.
    • Offer a $3,000 “HealthierMother” cash gift per child to defray confinement costs post-childbirth.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
GSTReduce to 7%, exempt essentialsEase regressive tax burden
Land CostsDefer HDB land costs, spread land sales revenueLower housing and business costs
Hawker ReformsFixed/low rents, phase out SEHCsKeep food prices affordable
HealthcareNationalize insurance, centralize drug procurementReduce medical expenses

2. Housing

The PSP critiques the BTO system’s long waiting times and rising resale prices (50% increase from Q2 2020 to Q4 2024), driven by land costs (60% of BTO costs) and lease decay concerns. The government’s subsidies to keep BTO prices affordable increase fiscal burdens, necessitating a rethink of housing policies.

  • Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS):
    • Replace BTO with AHS, selling flats at construction cost plus a location-based premium, excluding land cost unless sold on the resale market.
    • Ensure affordability without depleting CPF savings, severing the link between housing and retirement, with minimal impact on resale market due to limited supply (20,000 flats/year).
  • Singles Housing Access:
    • Allow singles aged 28+ to buy 2- and 3-room BTO flats and all resale flats in any estate, compared to the current age 35 limit for 2-room Flexi BTOs.
  • Increase Flat Supply:
    • Build more flats based on forecasted demand (e.g., marriage and birth rates), using unused state properties (e.g., former schools) to reduce waiting times.
  • Millennial Apartments Scheme:
    • Offer affordable, high-quality rental apartments in the CBD and mature estates for young couples/singles on 2-5 year leases, providing flexibility and reducing pressure to buy early.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
AHSExclude land cost for owner-occupied flatsAffordable housing, protect retirement savings
SinglesLower age to 28 for BTO/resale flatsMeet young Singaporeans’ housing needs
SupplyBuild ahead of demand, repurpose propertiesReduce waiting times
RentalsMillennial Apartments SchemeFlexible housing for youth

3. Jobs and Wages

With foreign workers comprising 39% of the workforce, the PSP aims to prioritize Singaporeans while ensuring fair competition and better work-life balance, addressing overwork (90% work beyond official hours) and wage stagnation.

  • Minimum Living Wage:
    • Set a $2,250/month minimum wage ($1,800 take-home after CPF), based on 2019 Minimum Income Standard, to ensure dignity and reduce reliance on subsidies.
  • Foreign Worker Policies:
    • Strengthen the Fair Consideration Framework (FCF) by extending job ad periods, requiring more ads, and proving no suitable Singaporean candidate.
    • Introduce per-company EP quotas, with higher quotas for SMEs, to balance global talent access and local priority.
    • Impose a $1,200/month EP levy to offset employers’ CPF savings on foreign workers.
    • Raise EP minimum qualifying salary to $10,000/month (from $5,600-$10,700).
    • Limit single-nationality work pass holders per company to prevent workplace enclaves.
  • Worker Protections:
    • Exempt retrenched employees from non-compete clauses to ease job transitions.
    • Mandate statutory retrenchment benefits (2 weeks’ salary per year of service for 2+ years’ service), exempting small or bankrupt firms.
  • Parental Leave:
    • Equalize parental leave at 15 weeks per parent (4 weeks maternity/paternity, 22 weeks shared equally), promoting shared parenting responsibilities.
  • Family-Friendly Employers:
    • Offer incentives like higher foreign worker quotas to employers supporting parental leave.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Wages$2,250/month minimum wageEnsure dignified living
Foreign WorkersEP quotas, levy, higher salary thresholdPrioritize Singaporeans
ProtectionsNo non-compete for retrenched, statutory benefitsEnhance job security
LeaveEqual 15-week parental leavePromote gender equity

4. Social Safety Net

The PSP seeks to simplify and strengthen social support, reducing reliance on complex schemes and supporting caregivers, seniors, and healthcare needs.

  • Redundancy Insurance:
    • Introduce a scheme paying 75% of the last-drawn salary for 6 months (capped at $3,750/month), funded by 0.5% monthly contributions from employers/employees.
  • Caregiver Support:
    • Provide a $1,250/month allowance (including CPF) for full-time caregivers of children under 7, costing up to $2.5 billion annually, replacing childcare subsidies.
  • Silver Support Scheme:
    • Double payouts to $430-$2,160/quarter ($144-$720/month), based on flat type and income, for seniors with low retirement savings.
  • Pioneer and Merdeka Funds:
    • Publish projected investment income and ensure full utilization of funds ($5.52 billion for PG, $5.55 billion for MG as of March 2024).
  • CPF Lifetime Retirement Investment Scheme (LRIS):
    • Implement LRIS, allowing investment in low-fee, diversified funds (6-10% annual returns over 5 years, per US 401(k) data), boosting retirement savings.
  • MediSave Expansion:
    • Increase MediSave500/700 withdrawal limits ($500/$700 annually for outpatient care) and cover preventive dental treatments, maternity fees, and egg freezing.
  • Fertility Support:
    • Offer 75% co-funding for unlimited ART cycles for women under 40 (until 2 children), and 3 fresh/3 frozen cycles for ages 40-45.
  • Mental Health:
    • Increase MediSave withdrawal limits for mental health treatments (e.g., schizophrenia, depression), regulate counsellors, and reduce public hospital waiting times (47 days for psychiatrists, 36 for psychologists in 2023).
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
Redundancy75% salary for 6 monthsFinancial security for unemployed
Caregivers$1,250/month for child caregiversSupport unpaid contributions
SeniorsDouble Silver Support payoutsDignified retirement
HealthcareExpand MediSave, fund ARTReduce out-of-pocket costs

5. Education

Despite Singapore’s top PISA 2022 rankings, the PSP critiques over-reliance on tuition ($104.80/month household expenditure in 2023) and high-stakes exams, which foster fear of failure (2018 PISA). The system should offer diverse pathways and equal opportunities.

  • Through-Train Programme:
    • Pilot a 10-year programme (Primary 1 to Secondary 4) with optional PSLE, emphasizing holistic curricula (arts, humanities, sports) and flexible assessments.
  • School Size Diversity:
    • Maintain a range of school sizes, avoiding mergers to preserve heritage and support diverse needs (e.g., neurodivergent students).
  • Assessment Reform:
    • Reduce reliance on summative exams, using portfolios and projects to foster critical thinking, collaboration, and creativity.
  • Smaller Class Sizes:
    • Lower class sizes (from 33.6 primary, 32.6 secondary in 2023) by re-employing older teachers as Flexi-Adjuncts and using technology to reduce administrative burdens.
  • Mental Health Support:
    • Conduct annual mental health assessments for students, increase school counsellors to 2 per school (from 1 in two-thirds of schools), and monitor teacher burnout.
  • International Students:
    • Limit scholarships/tuition grants for international students (10% of AU undergrads, $238 million in 2019), prioritizing full-fee payers to subsidize locals.
  • University Access:
    • Review AU places for Singaporeans, especially in Medicine, and expand vocational pathways (e.g., WSQ qualifications) for university admission.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
CurriculumOptional PSLE, holistic focusReduce exam stress, broaden skills
SchoolsDiverse sizes, smaller classesMeet varied student needs
Mental HealthAnnual assessments, more counsellorsSupport student/teacher well-being
AccessLimit foreign grants, expand vocational pathsPrioritize Singaporeans, diversify entry

6. Governance

The PSP addresses concerns over the PAP’s parliamentary dominance, lack of checks and balances, and recent policy missteps (e.g., Covid-19 dormitory outbreaks, SimplyGo reversal). It seeks to enhance transparency and accountability.

  • Ministerial Salaries:
    • Benchmark salaries to median Singaporean income (not top 1,000 earners) to reflect public service ethos.
  • Asset Declarations:
    • Require MPs to publicly declare assets post-election in a Register of Interests, following Commonwealth practices (e.g., UK, Australia).
  • Sovereign Wealth Funds:
    • Hold closed-door parliamentary hearings for Temasek and GIC, publish senior management salary ranges, and compare performance to global benchmarks.
  • Freedom of Information:
    • Enact a Freedom of Information Act, requiring government disclosure unless exemptions (e.g., national security) are justified in court.
    • Automatically declassify documents after 25 years, unless restricted for security.
  • Media Reform:
    • Liberalize the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act, removing ministerial approval for management shares, and reduce online news content provider bonds ($50,000 to $20,000).
    • Establish an independent press standards committee to handle complaints and enforce journalistic integrity, funded by Parliament.
    • Fund local digital media start-ups to foster diversity, redirecting $900 million SPH Media Trust and $310 million MediaCorp grants.
  • POFMA Reform:
    • Vest POFMA powers in the judiciary, limiting use to deliberate falsehood campaigns to reduce chilling effects on free speech.
  • Electoral Reforms:
    • Abolish GRCs, replacing with minority NCMP schemes or a hybrid FPTP/proportional representation system with multi-racial candidate mandates.
    • Reform electoral boundary reviews with transparent processes, fixed voter counts (30,000 ±10%), and bipartisan approval for major boundary changes.
  • People’s Association (PA):
    • Depoliticize PA by appointing neutral public servants as Grassroots Advisors, excluding MPs and political figures.
  • Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs):
    • Mandate public EIAs for major developments, with 2-month feedback periods, evaluating biodiversity, ecosystems, and emissions.
  • Voting Age:
    • Lower voting age to 18, aligning with global norms and National Service obligations.
  • Parliamentary Support:
    • Create a Parliament Research Service (PRS) with seconded experts to support MPs’ policy research.
    • Form bipartisan standing committees to scrutinize legislation over 2 months, with powers to subpoena witnesses and access PRS.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
TransparencyFOIA, declassify documents, asset declarationsEnhance public access, trust
Electoral SystemAbolish GRCs, reform boundariesEnsure fairer elections
MediaLiberalize laws, independent committeeFoster diverse, quality journalism
GovernanceDepoliticize PA, non-partisan SpeakerStrengthen impartial institutions

Conclusion

Launched ahead of the May 3, 2025, election, the PSP’s manifesto builds on parliamentary proposals since 2020, reflecting resident feedback and critiques of PAP policies.

The party emphasizes its role in holding the government accountable, citing past PAP responses (e.g., Pioneer Generation Package) to opposition gains.

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., GST reduction, caregiver allowances) and political resistance to reforms like GRC abolition.

The PSP’s focus on affordability, housing, and governance aligns with public concerns, but success depends on electing at least 33 opposition MPs to block constitutional amendments.

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What do the PAP, WP, PSP, and SDP manifestos say about housing?

The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns. But do they deliver?

|8 min read
What do the PAP, WP, PSP, and SDP manifestos say about housing?

With HDB resale prices up 50% since 2020 and BTO waiting times stretching to five years, affordability and access are strangling young couples, singles, and retirees alike.

The 99-year lease model, once a cornerstone of stability, now looms as a ticking time bomb for ageing flats.

The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns.

But do they deliver?

PAP - more flats, same old tune

Flood the market with supply, tweak eligibilit, and tackle lease decay head-on

The PAP, Singapore’s ruling juggernaut, promises to build over 50,000 new HDB flats in three years—enough for an entire Ang Mo Kio town.

They’re doubling down on Shorter Waiting Time flats to cut BTO delays, exploring options for higher-income couples and singles, and pushing the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme (VERS) to rejuvenate old estates like Kallang-Whampoa.

More flats don’t automatically mean cheaper flats

The Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio—median flat price to median income—hovers around 5-6, far from affordable for a $80,000-a-year household eyeing a $400,000 4-room BTO.

PAP’s reliance on grants, like the Enhanced CPF Housing Grant, is a band-aid, not a cure, when resale prices have soared 50% in five years.

VERS sounds promising but lacks teeth—its voluntary nature and vague compensation details leave residents guessing, unlike the more decisive Selective En bloc Redevelopment Scheme (SERS).

Expanding access for singles and higher-income groups is inclusive but risks diverting resources from lower-income families who can’t even dream of a $500,000 resale flat.

And while 50,000 flats sound impressive, global supply chain crunches and labor shortages could derail delivery, as seen in past construction delays.

Stability, not affordability

PAP’s plan is feasible, backed by HDB’s machine and approximately $1.2 trillion in reserves, but it’s incremental, not transformative.

PAP is betting on stability, not affordability, leaving young Singaporeans stuck in a cycle of grants and grit.

WP - bold on ideas, shaky on substance

The Workers’ Party takes a different tack, zeroing in on affordability with a promise to slash the HPI ratio to 3.0 or below—meaning a 4-room flat for a median-income family would cost no more than $240,000.

They propose 70-year BTO leases at lower prices, with an option to top up to 99 years, and a universal buy-back scheme to rescue retirees from depreciating flats.

To sweeten the deal, WP wants HDB to reacquire coffee shops and cap rents to inflation, easing living costs in estates.

Gutsy policy proposals but no clarity on how to fund it

WP's proposed housing policies speak directly to middle-class families and retirees crushed by prices.

An HPI of 3.0 would be a game-changer, making homeownership a reality, not a pipe dream.

The 70-year lease option is clever, offering flexibility for cash-strapped buyers, while the buy-back scheme tackles lease decay with precision, ensuring grannies in 40-year-old flats aren’t left penniless.

A very costly proposal

But ambition comes at a cost.

Dropping the HPI to 3.0 means slashing flat prices by 40-50%, requiring massive subsidies or land cost write-offs that could dent fiscal reserves or spike taxes.

The buy-back scheme, while noble, could cost billions if applied universally, and WP’s manifesto is mum on funding.

Worse, there’s no clear plan to boost flat supply, leaving waiting times untouched—a glaring blind spot when young couples are begging for faster BTOs.

WP’s heart is in the right place, but its wallet might not be.

PSP - radical vision, risky bet

The Progress Singapore Party swings for the fences with its Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS), scrapping BTOs to sell flats without land costs—recovered only on resale. This could halve prices, dropping a $400,000 flat to $200,000.

Singles aged 28+ get to buy 2- and 3-room flats anywhere, more flats will be built based on demand, and a Millennial Apartments Scheme offers short-term rentals in prime spots for young folks.

It’s a bold, youth-centric vision, promising to break the affordability curse and free CPF savings for retirement.

Revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops

AHS is a stroke of genius on paper, tackling the root of high prices: land costs, which eat up half a flat’s value.

Letting singles buy at 28 in any estate is a nod to a growing demographic—30% of adults are single—while rental apartments cater to millennials delaying marriage.

But genius comes with glitches.

Deferring land costs guts government revenue ($20 billion yearly from land sales), risking budget shortfalls or reserve dips that Singapore’s fiscal hawks will savage.

Resale markets could tank as cheap new flats flood in, rattling homeowners’ wealth.

AHS demands a complete HDB overhaul, a bureaucratic nightmare to implement.

The Millennial Scheme sounds sexy but faces land scarcity in prime areas, limiting scale.

And PSP’s silence on lease decay is a fatal flaw—retirees with 30 years left on their flats get no lifeline.

It’s a high-stakes gamble: revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops.

SDP - bold but tricky to execute

Slash prices with NOM flats, prioritize families, and secure retirements

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) proposes a transformative Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme, selling HDB flats at cost—excluding land costs—for as low as S$70,000 (2-room) to S$240,000 (5-room).

NOM flats can’t be resold on the open market, only back to HDB, curbing speculation.

The Young Families Priority Scheme (YFPS) fast-tracks flat access for couples with kids, while singles, single parents, and low-income renters get broader eligibility.

An enhanced Lease Buy-Back Scheme offers seniors inflation-adjusted annuities, and a buffer stock of flats aims to slash waiting times.

A sophisticated Vickrey-Clarke-Groves (VCG) balloting system promises efficient allocation.

Affordability and inclusivity with a side of complexity

SDP’s NOM Scheme is a masterstroke for affordability, potentially cutting a 4-room flat from S$400,000 to S$160,000, freeing CPF savings for retirement and family needs.

YFPS directly tackles Singapore’s dismal 0.78 Total Fertility Rate by prioritizing young families, while inclusive policies for singles and single parents resonate with 30% of adults who are single.

The buffer stock and VCG system could shrink waiting times, addressing a key pain point.

The annuity-based Lease Buy-Back is a lifeline for retirees, ensuring dignity without depleting equity.

Bold but tricky to execute

NOM’s cost-recovery model, while appealing, risks government revenue losses similar to PSP’s AHS, though SDP’s resale restrictions may stabilize markets better.

Converting existing flats to NOM could spark legal or financial disputes over compensation.

The VCG system, while innovative, may confuse applicants unused to bidding premiums, and maintaining a buffer stock demands precise demographic forecasting to avoid oversupply.

Funding grants for low-income households (up to S$60,000) and annuities could strain reserves without clear fiscal plans.

SDP’s vision is bold and inclusive but hinges on complex execution and public buy-in.

Verdict

Singapore’s housing crisis—skyrocketing prices, endless waits, and lease decay—demands more than manifesto bravado.

  • PAP offers stability and supply but ducks affordability, betting voters will trust its track record over flashy fixes. Its plan will keep the system humming but won’t ease the squeeze.

  • WP’s price-slashing ambition and retiree focus hit the mark but stumble on funding and supply, risking empty promises. Its heart is right, but its math is shaky.

  • PSP’s radical AHS and youth appeal are electrifying but teeter on fiscal recklessness, ignoring older voters’ fears and homeowners who see housing as their nest egg. Its vision is thrilling but could crash the economy.

  • SDP balances affordability, inclusivity, and demographic fixes with NOM flats and family-focused policies, but its complex mechanisms and revenue risks need ironclad execution. Its plan is ambitious but navigates a tightrope.

GE2025’s housing debate exposes a truth - no party has a silver bullet. Voters must weigh stability against bold reform, affordability against fiscal prudence, and inclusivity against execution risks.

Comparative Analysis

AspectPAPWPPSPSDP
Key Proposals50,000+ new flats, Shorter Waiting Time flats, VERS, options for singles/higher-income.HPI ≤3.0, 70-year leases, universal buy-back, coffee shop rent caps.AHS (no land cost), singles 28+, more supply, Millennial Apartments.NOM Scheme (cost-recovery flats), YFPS, enhanced Lease Buy-Back, buffer stock, VCG balloting.
AffordabilityRelies on supply and grants; no direct price cuts.Targets HPI ≤3.0; flexible leases for cost savings.AHS removes land costs; highly affordable but disruptive.NOM flats slash prices (e.g., S$160,000 for 4-room); grants for low-income.
Lease DecayVERS rejuvenates old estates; proactive but vague.Universal buy-back; direct but costly.No specific measure; overlooks ageing flats.Enhanced Lease Buy-Back with annuities; preserves equity.
Supply and AccessStrong focus on 50,000+ flats; inclusive for singles/higher-income.Limited supply focus; emphasizes affordability over volume.Increases supply; strong singles’ access at 28+.Buffer stock to cut waits; inclusive for singles, single parents, renters.
InnovationIncremental; builds on BTO/VERS frameworks.Moderate; new lease options and buy-back scheme.Transformative; AHS and Millennial Scheme rethink housing models.Transformative; NOM, VCG, and YFPS overhaul pricing and allocation.
FeasibilityHigh; leverages HDB’s systems and reserves.Moderate; HPI target and buy-back costly but implementable.Low to moderate; AHS fiscally risky, others feasible.Moderate; NOM and VCG complex but actionable with reserves.
Voter AppealLikely appeals to families, older voters, and those prioritizing stability and supply.Likely attracts middle-class families, retirees, and young couples seeking affordability.Likely draws younger voters, singles, and reformists open to bold changes.Likely appeals to young families, singles, retirees, and those valuing inclusivity and affordability.
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GE2025 - Here are the key points from SDP's manifesto

The manifesto focuses on reducing economic inequality, enhancing social welfare, reforming education, and strengthening democratic governance.

|7 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from SDP's manifesto

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election under the slogan “Thrive, Not Just Survive,” presenting a comprehensive set of policy proposals to address key national issues.

1. Cost of Living

The SDP highlights Singapore’s rising cost of living, driven by high housing prices, healthcare costs, and regressive taxation like the Goods and Services Tax (GST). The party critiques policies that burden the middle and lower classes while wealth concentrates among the elite.

  • Tax Reforms:
    • Abolish GST on essential items (e.g., food, medicine, school supplies) to reduce costs of necessities. No specific list of items or fiscal impact estimate is provided.
    • Increase income tax on the top 1% of earners to fund social programs. No tax rate or revenue target is specified.
    • Reinstate estate duty to address wealth inequality. No thresholds, rates, or expected revenue are detailed.
  • Ministerial Salary Reduction:
    • Cut ministerial salaries significantly, redirecting savings to aid lower-income households. No specific reduction amount or savings estimate is provided (current ministerial salaries: ~S$1.1M–S$3.2M annually, 2022 data).
  • Minimum Wage:
    • Introduce a minimum wage to ensure a living wage. No specific wage amount (e.g., S$2,000/month) or implementation timeline is stated.
  • Economic Transparency:
    • Enhance transparency in managing national reserves to ensure equitable use. No mechanisms (e.g., audits, parliamentary oversight) or reserve figures are specified.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
TaxationAbolish GST on essentials, tax top 1%, reinstate estate dutyReduce regressive tax burden, fund social programs
SalariesCut ministerial salariesRedirect funds to aid the poor
WagesIntroduce minimum wageEnsure dignified living standards
ReservesIncrease transparencyPromote equitable use of public funds

2. Housing

The SDP criticizes the high cost of Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats, driven by land costs and the 99-year lease decay issue. The party proposes restructuring the housing system to prioritize affordability and sustainability.

  • Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme:
    • Cap HDB flat prices at S$270,000, excluding land costs, with flats sold back to HDB upon resale to maintain affordability. No details on flat types (e.g., 3-room, 4-room) or locations covered are provided (2024 BTO prices: ~S$300,000–S$600,000).
  • Voluntary En-bloc Redevelopment Scheme (VERS):
    • Introduce a sustainable VERS to address lease decay, enabling collective redevelopment. No specifics on funding, scale, or eligible estates are mentioned.
  • Increase Housing Supply:
    • Build more affordable flats to meet demand, reducing waiting times and prices. No specific figure for annual flat supply (e.g., 20,000 flats/year, as in 2024 HDB data) or demand metrics (e.g., marriage rates) is provided.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
NOM SchemeCap HDB flats at S$270,000, exclude land costsMake housing affordable, curb speculation
VERSSustainable en-bloc redevelopmentAddress lease decay, maintain affordability
SupplyBuild more flatsReduce waiting times, stabilize prices

3. Jobs and Wages

The SDP aims to prioritize Singaporeans in employment, reduce reliance on foreign labor, and address wage stagnation, particularly for Professionals, Managers, Executives, and Technicians (PMETs), in a workforce where foreign workers comprise ~39% (2024 data).

  • Minimum Wage:
    • Implement a minimum wage to ensure a living wage. No specific amount or benchmark (e.g., S$2,000/month) is provided.
  • Talent Track Scheme:
    • Introduce a points-based system for foreign PMETs, prioritizing Singaporeans for hiring and retrenchment protection. No criteria (e.g., skills, experience) or quotas are specified.
  • Foreign Labor Reduction:
    • Gradually reduce reliance on foreign workers to create opportunities for Singaporeans. No target percentage (e.g., from 39% to 30%) or timeline is stated.
  • CPF Minimum Sum Reform:
    • Eliminate the CPF Minimum Sum Scheme (Full Retirement Sum: ~S$213,000, 2024) to provide retirement flexibility. No alternative savings mechanism is proposed.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
WagesMinimum wageEnsure fair compensation
EmploymentTalent Track Scheme, prioritize SingaporeansProtect local job opportunities
Foreign LaborReduce relianceIncrease jobs for Singaporeans
CPFScrap Minimum Sum SchemeEnhance retirement flexibility

4. Social Safety Net

The SDP seeks to strengthen social support, focusing on healthcare, marginalized communities, and gender equality, replacing complex schemes with accessible programs.

  • National Health Investment Fund (NHIF):
    • Replace the 3M system (Medisave, Medishield, Medifund) with NHIF, where citizens contribute a fixed monthly amount, and the government funds the rest via taxes. No contribution amount (e.g., S$50/month) or total cost estimate is provided.
    • Make maternal and pediatric care mostly free. No scope (e.g., age limit for pediatric care) or budget is specified.
  • Malay Community Upliftment:
    • Implement a 10-point plan to address economic inequality, education access, and discrimination. No specific actions (e.g., scholarship funding, employment quotas) or metrics are detailed.
  • Gender Equality:
    • Promote women’s rights via the SDP Women’s Wing, focusing on healthcare, work-life balance, and anti-discrimination. No specific programs (e.g., subsidies, leave policies) or funding is outlined.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
HealthcareNHIF, free maternal/pediatric careReduce medical costs, support families
Malay Community10-point upliftment planAddress inequality, promote inclusion
Gender EqualityWomen’s Wing initiativesEnhance women’s rights, work-life balance

5. Education

The SDP critiques Singapore’s exam-driven education system for fostering stress and inequality, proposing reforms to prioritize holistic development.

  • Abolish PSLE:
    • Eliminate the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) to reduce student stress. No replacement assessment (e.g., portfolios) or transition plan is detailed.
  • Smaller Class Sizes:
    • Reduce class sizes to improve learning. No target size (e.g., from 33.6 to 25 for primary, 2023 data) or funding estimate is provided.
  • Holistic Curriculum:
    • Emphasize critical thinking, creativity, and socio-emotional skills. No specific curriculum changes or teacher training plans are outlined.
  • Equal Opportunities:
    • Address socio-economic disparities in education. No interventions (e.g., subsidies) or disparity metrics (e.g., low-income student percentage) are specified.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
PSLEAbolish PSLEReduce exam stress, promote holistic growth
Class SizesSmaller classesEnhance personalized learning
CurriculumFocus on critical thinking, creativityPrepare students for diverse futures
EquityAddress disparitiesEnsure equal educational opportunities

6. Governance

The SDP addresses concerns over the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) dominance and restrictions on freedom of expression, seeking to enhance transparency and civil liberties.

  • Ministerial Salaries:
    • Reduce ministerial salaries to align with public service ethos. No specific reduction amount is provided.
  • Freedom of Speech:
    • Reform laws like the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) to protect constitutional rights. No specific mechanisms (e.g., judicial oversight) are detailed.
  • Constitutional Reforms:
    • Strengthen civil liberties through constitutional amendments. No specific articles or amendments are specified.
  • Government-Linked Companies (GLCs):
    • Divest inefficient GLCs to foster competition. No list of targeted GLCs or economic impact estimates is provided.
  • Regional Democratic Partnerships:
    • Foster partnerships with democratic neighbors (e.g., Malaysia, Indonesia). No specific agreements or initiatives are outlined.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
SalariesReduce ministerial salariesPromote public service ethos
Free SpeechReform POFMA, protect rightsEnhance democratic expression
ConstitutionStrengthen civil libertiesFoster open society
GLCsDivest inefficient GLCsPromote market competition
Regional TiesDemocratic partnershipsStrengthen regional democratic values

7. Environment

The SDP emphasizes environmental sustainability, addressing climate change and resource management in a densely populated nation.

  • Climate Commitments:
    • Strengthen adherence to the Paris Agreement through emissions targets and renewable energy. No specific targets (e.g., 50% emissions cut by 2030) are provided.
  • Electric Vehicles (EVs):
    • Provide incentives for EV adoption to reduce emissions. No details on subsidies (e.g., amount per vehicle) or infrastructure (e.g., charging stations) are included.
  • Population Control:
    • Oppose population growth to 10 million, rejecting long-term planning scenarios (e.g., 2013 White Paper). No alternative population cap (e.g., 6M) is proposed.
  • Haze Pollution:
    • Enforce the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act. No specific actions (e.g., fines, regional agreements) are detailed.
  • Waste Reduction:
    • Reduce single-use packaging. No targets (e.g., 50% reduction by 2030) or mechanisms (e.g., bans) are specified.
Policy AreaKey ProposalIntended Impact
ClimateStrengthen Paris Agreement commitmentsReduce carbon footprint
EVsIncentivize EV adoptionLower transportation emissions
PopulationOppose 10 million targetEnsure sustainable growth
HazeEnforce Transboundary Haze ActAddress regional pollution
WasteReduce single-use packagingMinimize environmental impact

Conclusion

Launched ahead of the May 3, 2025, General Election, the SDP’s manifesto reflects its social liberal democratic vision, emphasizing affordability, equity, and sustainability.

Key proposals, such as the S$270,000 HDB price cap and opposition to a 10 million population, include specific figures, but most policies (e.g., building more flats, minimum wage, class size reductions) lack quantitative details, such as numerical targets or cost estimates.

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., NHIF, GST exemptions), political resistance to bold reforms (e.g., PSLE abolition, GLC divestment), and the SDP’s limited electoral success (no seats since 1997).