Nearly two decades ago, Harpreet Nehal Singh — Harvard-educated, mentored by legal giant Davinder Singh, and bold enough to spar with Lee Kuan Yew on live television — sought entry into Singapore’s ruling elite.

Between 2005 to 2006, Harpreet met with the top brass of PAP's leadership - including multiple one-on-ones with Lee Hsien Loong, Tharman Shamugaratnam, S Jayakumar (then deputy prime minister) and the late Lee Kuan Yew.

As Jom confirms in a 2024 interview with Harpreet: “The cabinet deliberated” before rejecting him with the ambiguous, “There are different ways to contribute to this country.”

Now, at 59, Harpreet traded the establishment’s orbit for the opposition’s front line.

From PAP Aspirant to WP Member — or mole?

Harpreet's rejection didn’t end his political ambitions — he applied for an NMP role in 2007 but was again unsuccessful.

By the 2010s, Jom notes his growing disillusionment with PAP, mirrored by its declining vote share (75.3% in 2001 to 61.2% in 2020).

In 2021, he began volunteering with then - WP MP Leon Perera, and by 2023, he was seen in WP’s light blue uniform, engaging in walkabouts and Hammer newspaper sales.

The timing and context of Harpreet’s PAP meeting invite close to two decades ago invite speculation: was his rejection genuine, or a staged exit to position him as a long-term asset?

Meeting senior PAP leaders suggests trust — why entertain a high-profile candidate only to dismiss him without cause?

Harpreet is Establishment material

Harpreet’s resume screams establishment: Straits Times columns, elite circles, a career thriving in the PAP’s ecosystem.

His 2023 pivot to the WP feels dramatic—too dramatic, perhaps.

Jom quotes him decrying POFMA, Yale-NUS’s closure, and media control: “I don’t see this thing self-correcting.”

It’s a sharp but measured critique, never fully anti-establishment - almost as if he’s playing a part, staying within bounds set by unseen handlers. But it’s also rehearsed, polished — “carefully primed, bullet-proofed,” as Jom puts it.

Could Harpreet’s 2005-2006 encounter have been a directive to embed himself elsewhere, resurfacing in the WP as it gains traction ahead of the 2025 General Election?

The mole hypothesis

Here’s the theory: the PAP, masters of control, saw in Harpreet not a liability but an asset.

They let him simmer, maintaining his insider ties — think Davinder Singh’s mentorship, his establishment perch — while grooming him for a covert role.

That 2005-2006 meeting wasn’t a dead end — it was a starting line. He’s not hiding disillusionment; he’s concealing loyalty.

The WP’s growth threatens the PAP’s grip; who better to embed than a credentialed ally who can pass as a convert?

If he wins a seat, he’s not just a voice — he’s a listener, a conduit back to the ruling elite.

Jom calls him a potential “big fish” for the opposition, but what if he’s bait, dangling to keep the WP in check?

The PAP didn’t lose him — they deployed him.

Harpreet the Harpoon

Harpreet’s WP role is public: he’s been photographed with leaders like Pritam Singh and Sylvia Lim, and his March 18, 2025, Facebook post declares pride in the party, advocating “balanced politics.”

Yet, the PAP’s silence on his departure is telling — no rebuttal, no narrative.

His insider roots — mentored by Davinder Singh, a PAP stalwart — contrast with his late opposition turn at 59.

The WP’s rise (10 seats in 2020) makes it a target for monitoring; Harpreet, with his credentials, fits as a potential plant.

No hard proof exists — his 2005-2006 meeting’s details remain opaque — but the hypothesis lingers.

What’s 'Harpreet the Harpoon' burying? A directive, whispered by senior leaders, to infiltrate and report? A promise of reward if he pulls it off? He’s not the naive reformer Jom lionizes; he’s a chess piece, moved by the party he claims to oppose.

Evidence is thin, but the pattern fits: a man too connected to break free, too strategic to act on whim.

What’s next?

Harpreet’s next steps will clarify his intent.

If he contests in 2025 and wins, his parliamentary actions — loyalty to WP or subtle PAP alignment — could reveal more.

For now, his journey from a 2005-2006 PAP meeting to WP prominence is fact; whether it masks a mole’s agenda is conjecture.

The timeline holds: he met PAP leaders nearly two decades ago, was rebuffed, and now challenges them — or does he?

Harpreet Nehal Singh, a Senior Counsel and a relatively new face in Singapore’s Workers’ Party (WP), has been steadily gaining attention as a potential figure in the party’s future.

His prominence, however, appears to owe as much to his own efforts as to any formal endorsement from the WP leadership.

Recent coverage by JOM, a local media platform conveniently helmed by Harpreet's editor-in-chief buddy Sudhir Vadaketh, has been churning out glowing profiles about Harpreet and deploying sponsored ads on social media to prop up the lawyer's image.

Harpreet recruited by Leon Perera directly

Harpreet’s entry into the WP traces back to Leon Perera, a former MP who resigned in 2023 after a publicized affair with party member Nicole Seah.

But Perera’s departure was far from amicable.

Sources indicate he left on strained terms with WP Secretary-General Pritam Singh, with the two allgedly no longer on speaking terms following the scandal and its fallout.

Pritam's trust issues post-Raeesah Khan

According to those familiar with WP dynamics, Harpreet has struggled to gain the trust of Pritam Singh and the party’s core leadership.

The lingering association with Perera, combined with the acrimonious circumstances of his exit, appears to have left Harpreet on the periphery of the WP’s inner circle.

Without the backing of Pritam — who has led the party since 2018 and remains its public face ahead of GE2025 — Harpreet has reportedly turned to his own resources to build his profile.

Harpreet is building his legacy, on his own terms

Harpreet's legal background and personal stature have fueled efforts to position himself as a credible voice, with JOM’s relentless cheerleading painting him as a rising star, whether the WP likes it or not.

This self-driven push has not gone unnoticed.

Some within the party view Harpreet’s reliance on external platforms like JOM as a sign of ambition, a bid to establish himself as a contender in a post-Pritam era.

Pritam, despite his recent conviction in February 2025 for lying to a parliamentary committee, retains firm control of the WP and has signaled his intent to lead it into the next election. His leadership has emphasized unity and resilience, leaving little room for speculation about succession—at least publicly.

Harpreet’s independent profiling, however, suggests he’s not content to wait in the wings.

Warming up to WP leadership

The WP has been tight-lipped about internal matters, and Harpreet’s appearances alongside figures like Sylvia Lim and Pritam at party events project an image of cohesion.

Yet, the lack of integration into Pritam’s trusted circle hints at underlying tensions.

“Harpreet’s got the skills, but he’s not one of Pritam’s people,” one observer close to the party noted. “Leon’s baggage didn’t help, and now he’s having to prove himself on his own terms.”

For now, Harpreet’s trajectory remains a subplot in the WP’s broader story.

With GE2025 approaching, the party is focused on strengthening its slate, and Harpreet’s legal expertise and public presence could still make him a valuable asset — provided he bridges the gap with the leadership.

Singapore, situated outside the Pacific Ring of Fire and not on a plate boundary, faces a low earthquake risk, primarily from distant events on the Sunda Megathrust offshore Sumatra, about 400 km away.

Buildings are designed under the Eurocodes, adopted in 2013, which include earthquake resistance for low-risk areas, ensuring they can handle minor tremors. This makes Singapore buildings generally safe, though not for major earthquakes such as the one that occurred in Myanmar.

Singapore adopted earthquake-resistant design in 2013

Singapore's Building and Construction Authority (BCA) adopted the Eurocodes in 2013, including EN1998 Eurocode 8, which sets guidelines for earthquake-resistant design, particularly for buildings over 20 meters tall on soft soils.

These standards ensure buildings can withstand low-level seismic activity, with research suggesting they are sufficient for Singapore's context, though not designed for major earthquakes like those in high-risk zones.

Role of Chinese construction companies in Singapore

The recent 7.7 magnitude earthquake in central Myanmar on March 28, 2025, caused over 1,600 deaths and significant damage, with effects felt in Thailand, including a collapsed 33-story building in Bangkok involving China Railway Engineering Corporation.

The collapsed building in Bangkok, intended for the State Audit Office, was a joint venture between Italian-Thai Development Plc and China Railway Number 10 (Thailand) Ltd, a subsidiary of China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC), with the Chinese firm holding a 49% stake.

Chinese construction companies are active in Singapore, part of a competitive market valued at around $30 billion in 2019, with firms like China Construction Development listed among local players.

These companies must comply with Singapore's stringent building codes, ensuring their projects meet the same earthquake resistance standards as others.

The regulatory environment, with periodic reviews by the BCA, mitigates risks, with buildings required to withstand vibrations and shocks from potential tremors.

Track record of Chinese construction

The performance of Chinese-constructed buildings in earthquakes shows variation.

Traditional Chinese architecture, using dougong brackets, has demonstrated earthquake resistance, with structures like the Forbidden City enduring 200 earthquakes over 600 years.

However, modern constructions have faced criticism, notably in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, where shoddy school construction led to collapses, attributed to poor enforcement and corruption.

The recent Bangkok collapse, involving CREC, raises similar concerns, but it was under construction, and other buildings in Bangkok did not collapse, suggesting context-specific factors.