Fathership

工人党若在2025年大选赢得更多议席,会否只是徒增喧嚣?

英雄还是烂摊子?更大的承诺,更大的问题?

|1 min read
工人党若在2025年大选赢得更多议席,会否只是徒增喧嚣?

新加坡最迟须在2025年11月举行大选,而工人党(WP)正高调造势,仿佛已准备好接管政权。

该党目前拥有10个议席(阿裕尼、盛港和后港),如今更瞄准其他选区如马林百列、东海岸、淡滨尼及白沙—榜鹅。随着新面孔涌现,包括资深律师哈普雷特·辛格(Harpreet Singh)的加入,坊间热议“蓝色浪潮(指工人党支持率的上升势头)”即将来袭。

但在欢呼声背后,工人党的执政表现却一团糟。我们真该给这些人更多话语权吗?且让我们深入分析。

工人党连胜势头强劲

工人党深谙胜选之道。2011年,陈硕茂助该党夺下阿裕尼集选区,震惊人民行动党(PAP)。

2020年,林志蔚(Jamus Lim)以“暖我的心房(warm my cockles,指感动人心)”的言论赢得盛港选区,此言至今仍被津津乐道。

如今,新晋党员哈普雷特·辛格·内哈尔(Harpreet Singh Nehal)——这位从知名律师转型的政坛新人——可能成为下一颗明星。他被发现活跃于马林百列选区,其履历令人瞩目(堪称法庭精英与草根战士的结合体)。

尽管行动党和新加坡前进党(PSP)也推出新人,但工人党团队更显亲民——少些官僚做派,多些“感同身受”的共鸣。

再夺四个集选区?根据2020年选举数据,该党在竞争选区得票率达50.49%,而东部地区饱受生活压力的家庭或许会转向工人党。但胜选是一回事,执政能力则是另一回事。

未来英雄还是危机暗涌?

真相如下:工人党包袱重重。

林志蔚虽魅力十足,但他关于不平等的“觉醒”言论更适合TikTok,难吸引只求鸡饭降价的基层选民。

党魁普里坦·辛格(Pritam Singh)因就拉希莎·汗(Raeesah Khan)事件向国会特权委员会撒谎,刚被罚款1.4万新元。这一污点令反对党领袖形象蒙尘。

2023年,梁文辉(Leon Perera)与妮可·Seah(Nicole Seah)的绯闻风波?比起严肃政治,更像肥皂剧情节。

这些并非偶然失误,而是判断力持续欠佳的体现。工人党绝非行动党那般纪律严明的“钢铁坦克”,反倒像一辆吱呀作响的破旧摩托。

工人党应获更多权力吗?

若工人党大胜(例如阿裕尼59%、盛港52%、东部两集选区51%,总议席超20席),这并非因其完美无缺,而是选民渴求变革。物价飞涨、住房压力、年轻世代不满现状——工人党正瞄准这些痛点。哈普雷特或许是助力,但他们的政策构想必须比失误更耀眼。

他们高呼公平,但能否在执政时不自乱阵脚?国会辩论或将更激烈,但也可能更失序。

关键结论

工人党虽有胜绩与豪言,但其光环正迅速褪色。哈普雷特等新面孔无法掩盖裂痕——执政能力不稳、领袖信誉存疑、丑闻接连不断。其竞选宣言固然可观,但带来的混乱恐得不偿失。

若你已厌倦行动党执政,大可支持工人党,但别期待奇迹——唯有更多的喧嚣罢了。

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Buildings in Singapore are earthquake-resistant - to a certain extent

Singapore faces low earthquake risk, mainly from distant Sumatran quakes.

|2 min read
Buildings in Singapore are earthquake-resistant - to a certain extent

Singapore, situated outside the Pacific Ring of Fire and not on a plate boundary, faces a low earthquake risk, primarily from distant events on the Sunda Megathrust offshore Sumatra, about 400 km away.

Buildings are designed under the Eurocodes, adopted in 2013, which include earthquake resistance for low-risk areas, ensuring they can handle minor tremors. This makes Singapore buildings generally safe, though not for major earthquakes such as the one that occurred in Myanmar.

Singapore adopted earthquake-resistant design in 2013

Singapore's Building and Construction Authority (BCA) adopted the Eurocodes in 2013, including EN1998 Eurocode 8, which sets guidelines for earthquake-resistant design, particularly for buildings over 20 meters tall on soft soils.

These standards ensure buildings can withstand low-level seismic activity, with research suggesting they are sufficient for Singapore's context, though not designed for major earthquakes like those in high-risk zones.

Role of Chinese construction companies in Singapore

The recent 7.7 magnitude earthquake in central Myanmar on March 28, 2025, caused over 1,600 deaths and significant damage, with effects felt in Thailand, including a collapsed 33-story building in Bangkok involving China Railway Engineering Corporation.

The collapsed building in Bangkok, intended for the State Audit Office, was a joint venture between Italian-Thai Development Plc and China Railway Number 10 (Thailand) Ltd, a subsidiary of China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC), with the Chinese firm holding a 49% stake.

Chinese construction companies are active in Singapore, part of a competitive market valued at around $30 billion in 2019, with firms like China Construction Development listed among local players.

These companies must comply with Singapore's stringent building codes, ensuring their projects meet the same earthquake resistance standards as others.

The regulatory environment, with periodic reviews by the BCA, mitigates risks, with buildings required to withstand vibrations and shocks from potential tremors.

Track record of Chinese construction

The performance of Chinese-constructed buildings in earthquakes shows variation.

Traditional Chinese architecture, using dougong brackets, has demonstrated earthquake resistance, with structures like the Forbidden City enduring 200 earthquakes over 600 years.

However, modern constructions have faced criticism, notably in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, where shoddy school construction led to collapses, attributed to poor enforcement and corruption.

The recent Bangkok collapse, involving CREC, raises similar concerns, but it was under construction, and other buildings in Bangkok did not collapse, suggesting context-specific factors.

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以色列间谍软件'Graphite'疑在新加坡使用

新加坡服务器频成间谍软件部署据点

|1 min read
以色列间谍软件'Graphite'疑在新加坡使用

来自六个国家的组织或实体疑似利用名为“Graphite”的以色列间谍软件,从WhatsApp等通讯应用中窃取数据。

多伦多大学人权研究实验室“公民实验室”(The Citizen Lab)的报告显示,使用该软件的国家包括澳大利亚、加拿大、塞浦路斯、丹麦、以色列和新加坡。

这一披露距Meta旗下WhatsApp声明已近两月。该公司曾通报约90名记者与公民社会成员,称其成为“Graphite”的攻击目标,而这些攻击已于2024年12月被成功阻断。

间谍软件开发者是谁?

“Graphite”由以色列公司Paragon Solutions研发。该公司成立于2019年,创始人包括前总理埃胡德·巴拉克(Ehud Barak)和以色列国防军8200信号情报部队前指挥官埃胡德·施内尔松(Ehud Schneorson)。这款监控工具能从WhatsApp等即时通讯应用中提取敏感数据。

Paragon宣称其产品旨在协助政府及执法机构捕捉犯罪分子与恐怖分子。

与NSO集团臭名昭著的“飞马”(Pegasus)软件——可完全劫持手机——不同,“Graphite”据称仅专注于窥探WhatsApp或Signal等应用。

运作机制揭秘

“Graphite”技术精妙绝伦,采用“零点击漏洞”发动攻击——用户无需点击可疑链接,仅安装WhatsApp便可能沦为猎物。

攻击者将目标用户拉入聊天群组并发送PDF文件。即使用户毫无动作,其WhatsApp仍会被悄然攻陷。

一旦得逞,“Graphite”能窃取聊天记录、追踪用户行踪甚至挖掘更多信息,而受害者却毫无察觉。

“公民实验室”与Meta(WhatsApp母公司)联手侦测并封堵此威胁,但此前意大利的受感染安卓设备已留下线索——如代号“BIGPRETZEL”——直指Paragon。苹果公司随后在iOS 18中修复了这一攻击路径。

间谍软件使用范围追踪

研究人员通过服务器与IP地址分析,绘制出“Graphite”的全球网络足迹,涉及澳大利亚、加拿大、塞浦路斯、丹麦、以色列及新加坡等地。

然而,使用VPN等代理服务器可能导致定位偏差。“公民实验室”指出:“由于结论基于DNS服务器的国家级定位,VPN及卫星互联网中转站等因素可能影响准确性。”

新加坡服务器频繁现身间谍软件部署

2018年,一次数据泄露暴露了疑似感染“飞马”间谍软件的5万多个电话号码。“公民实验室”调查发现,部分受感染手机位于英国、美国及新加坡。

当时,新加坡政府回应称知悉这些指控,但因未接获具体报告,无法核实其真实性。

2023年,“公民实验室”追踪到另一款以色列间谍软件“QuaDream”的疑似运营服务器,分布于保加利亚、捷克、匈牙利、加纳、以色列、墨西哥、罗马尼亚、新加坡、阿拉伯联合酋长国和乌兹别克斯坦等10国。

“QuaDream”可窃听通话、远程启用麦克风与摄像头、定位设备,并具备自毁功能,抹去一切痕迹,让用户无从察觉。

新加坡拒谈安全技术细节

根据《海峡时报》2023年报道,内政部兼国家发展部政务部长陈国明(Desmond Tan)于2022年被问及是否使用“QuaDream”时表示:“……肩负国家安全使命的机构必须倚靠多种情报能力,包括利用技术手段。”

“出于显而易见的原因,政府不能也不应公开讨论国家安全行动的具体细节或能力。”

内政部发言人强调,政府通常不会透露安全机构的工作方式:“我们的安全机构肩负维护新加坡安全、稳定与主权的重任。国家安全面临多元威胁,包括恐怖主义、外国颠覆、间谍活动及干预等。”

截至发稿,新加坡当局尚未对“Graphite”间谍软件事件置评。

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Harpreet Nehal Singh met with Senior Leaders of PAP and Lee Kuan Yew between 2005 to 2006

From PAP aspirant to WP member - or mole?

|4 min read
Harpreet Nehal Singh met with Senior Leaders of PAP and Lee Kuan Yew between 2005 to 2006

Nearly two decades ago, Harpreet Nehal Singh — Harvard-educated, mentored by legal giant Davinder Singh, and bold enough to spar with Lee Kuan Yew on live television — sought entry into Singapore’s ruling elite.

Between 2005 to 2006, Harpreet met with the top brass of PAP's leadership - including multiple one-on-ones with Lee Hsien Loong, Tharman Shamugaratnam, S Jayakumar (then deputy prime minister) and the late Lee Kuan Yew.

As Jom confirms in a 2024 interview with Harpreet: “The cabinet deliberated” before rejecting him with the ambiguous, “There are different ways to contribute to this country.”

Now, at 59, Harpreet traded the establishment’s orbit for the opposition’s front line.

From PAP Aspirant to WP Member — or mole?

Harpreet's rejection didn’t end his political ambitions — he applied for an NMP role in 2007 but was again unsuccessful.

By the 2010s, Jom notes his growing disillusionment with PAP, mirrored by its declining vote share (75.3% in 2001 to 61.2% in 2020).

In 2021, he began volunteering with then - WP MP Leon Perera, and by 2023, he was seen in WP’s light blue uniform, engaging in walkabouts and Hammer newspaper sales.

The timing and context of Harpreet’s PAP meeting invite close to two decades ago invite speculation: was his rejection genuine, or a staged exit to position him as a long-term asset?

Meeting senior PAP leaders suggests trust — why entertain a high-profile candidate only to dismiss him without cause?

Harpreet is Establishment material

Harpreet’s resume screams establishment: Straits Times columns, elite circles, a career thriving in the PAP’s ecosystem.

His 2023 pivot to the WP feels dramatic—too dramatic, perhaps.

Jom quotes him decrying POFMA, Yale-NUS’s closure, and media control: “I don’t see this thing self-correcting.”

It’s a sharp but measured critique, never fully anti-establishment - almost as if he’s playing a part, staying within bounds set by unseen handlers. But it’s also rehearsed, polished — “carefully primed, bullet-proofed,” as Jom puts it.

Could Harpreet’s 2005-2006 encounter have been a directive to embed himself elsewhere, resurfacing in the WP as it gains traction ahead of the 2025 General Election?

The mole hypothesis

Here’s the theory: the PAP, masters of control, saw in Harpreet not a liability but an asset.

They let him simmer, maintaining his insider ties — think Davinder Singh’s mentorship, his establishment perch — while grooming him for a covert role.

That 2005-2006 meeting wasn’t a dead end — it was a starting line. He’s not hiding disillusionment; he’s concealing loyalty.

The WP’s growth threatens the PAP’s grip; who better to embed than a credentialed ally who can pass as a convert?

If he wins a seat, he’s not just a voice — he’s a listener, a conduit back to the ruling elite.

Jom calls him a potential “big fish” for the opposition, but what if he’s bait, dangling to keep the WP in check?

The PAP didn’t lose him — they deployed him.

Harpreet the Harpoon

Harpreet’s WP role is public: he’s been photographed with leaders like Pritam Singh and Sylvia Lim, and his March 18, 2025, Facebook post declares pride in the party, advocating “balanced politics.”

Yet, the PAP’s silence on his departure is telling — no rebuttal, no narrative.

His insider roots — mentored by Davinder Singh, a PAP stalwart — contrast with his late opposition turn at 59.

The WP’s rise (10 seats in 2020) makes it a target for monitoring; Harpreet, with his credentials, fits as a potential plant.

No hard proof exists — his 2005-2006 meeting’s details remain opaque — but the hypothesis lingers.

What’s 'Harpreet the Harpoon' burying? A directive, whispered by senior leaders, to infiltrate and report? A promise of reward if he pulls it off? He’s not the naive reformer Jom lionizes; he’s a chess piece, moved by the party he claims to oppose.

Evidence is thin, but the pattern fits: a man too connected to break free, too strategic to act on whim.

What’s next?

Harpreet’s next steps will clarify his intent.

If he contests in 2025 and wins, his parliamentary actions — loyalty to WP or subtle PAP alignment — could reveal more.

For now, his journey from a 2005-2006 PAP meeting to WP prominence is fact; whether it masks a mole’s agenda is conjecture.

The timeline holds: he met PAP leaders nearly two decades ago, was rebuffed, and now challenges them — or does he?

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WP will win more in GE2025 but will it just be more noise?

Heroes or hot mess? Bigger promises, bigger problems?

|3 min read
WP will win more in GE2025 but will it just be more noise?

Singapore’s General Election is due by November 2025, and the Workers’ Party (WP) is hyping itself like it's ready to take over.

They’ve already got 10 seats—Aljunied, Sengkang, and Hougang—and now they’re eyeing more, like Marine Parade, East Coast, Tampines, and Pasir Ris-Punggol. With new faces popping up and a fancy Senior Counsel named Harpreet Singh joining the crew, people are buzzing about a “blue wave.”

But beyond the cheerleading, their track record’s a mess. Should we really give these folks a bigger mic? Let’s dig in.

WP has been on a winning streak

WP knows how to pull off a victory. In 2011, Chen Show Mao helped them snag Aljunied GRC, shocking the PAP.

In 2020, Jamus Lim’s charm won Sengkang with that “warm my cockles” moment we’re still quoting.

Now, Harpreet Singh Nehal—big-deal lawyer turned WP newbie—might be their next star. Spotted in Marine Parade, he’s got the resume to turn heads (think courtroom boss meets grassroots warrior).

Other parties like PAP and PSP are also bringing newbies, but WP’s crew feels like they’re ready to connect—think less suits, more “I get you” energy.

Four more GRCs? They pulled 50.49% in contested seats last time, and the east—full of stressed-out families—might bite. But winning’s one thing; delivering’s another.

Upcoming heroes or a brewing hot mess?

Here’s the tea: WP’s got baggage.

Jamus Lim’s a charmer, but his woke rants on inequality sound like a uni lecture—great for TikTok, less for heartlanders who just want cheaper chicken rice.

Pritam Singh, their leader, just got fined $14,000 for lying to a parliamentary committee about Raeesah Khan. That's a red flag and it’s not a great look for the Leader of the Opposition.

And 2023’s Leon Perera-Nicole Seah affair drama? More soap opera than serious vibes.

These aren’t one-off flubs; they’re a pattern of sloppy judgment. WP’s not the PAP’s well-oiled tank—they’re more like a rickety scooter.

So, should WP get more power?

If WP scores big—say, 20+ seats with wins like 59% in Aljunied, 52% in Sengkang, and 51% in a couple eastern GRCs—it’s less about them being flawless and more about the electorate wanting change. Skyrocketing costs, housing stress, young people over it—WP’s tapping that. Harpreet could be the boost they need, but their ideas have to shine brighter than their slip-ups.

They’re loud about fairness, but can they run the show without tripping over themselves? Parliament might get spicier, but it could also get sloppier.

The bottom line

WP’s got some wins and big talk, but their shine’s fading fast. New faces like Harpreet can’t hide the cracks—shaky delivery, sketchy leaders, and scandals that won’t quit. Their manifesto’s fine, but it’s not worth the chaos they drag in.

Root for them if you’re over PAP’s rule, but don’t expect miracles—just more noise.

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Tan Cheng Bock or Leong Mun Wai - who's really running the show?

Tan Cheng Bock, 84 as of now (two years older than Joe Biden, who’s 82), is PSP’s founding father and resident grandpa figure.

|4 min read
Tan Cheng Bock or Leong Mun Wai - who's really running the show?

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) has got two Non-Constituency MPs—Leong Mun Wai (LMW) and Hazel Poa—re-elected to their Central Executive Committee (CEC) on March 20, 2025, per CNA, and founder Tan Cheng Bock (TCB) still looms large as chairman.

Tan Cheng Bock - the big boss who won’t let go?

Tan Cheng Bock, 84 as of now (two years older than Joe Biden, who’s 82), is PSP’s founding father and resident grandpa figure.

He’s been a PAP MP, almost became president in 2011 (lost by 0.35%), and started PSP in 2019 to shake things up. He’s still chairman, talking about running in West Coast again, per The New Paper in January 2024.

But is he slowing things down?

Observers say he’s keeping Leong Mun Wai, the loudmouth NCMP, on a leash—think wise old mentor reining in the wild kid.

TCB’s all about “mature politics” (see his February 2025 Facebook post defending multiracialism), but at his age, is he steering or just stalling?

Leong Mun Wai - Singapore’s Trump, and parliament shit-stirrer

Leong Mun Wai, 65, is PSP’s firecracker — re-elected party chief on Wednesday (Mar 26). He’s got a Trump-ish streak—big on outrage, light on polish.

Remember his 2024 POFMA order over a fake sob story about a West Coast couple? He stepped down as sec-gen after that, per Straits Times, but he’s still a CEC bigwig.

Critics like Law Minister Shanmugam (February 2025, CNA) have called him out for “racist” jabs—like his CECA rants hinting at anti-Indian vibes—or fanning envy over jobs and housing. LMW says it’s just “seeking transparency”, but it’s loud, messy, and smells like vote-grabbing chaos.

Fans love it; others cringe.

Hazel Poa - the quiet ex-Sec-Gen fading into the background

Hazel Poa, 55, handed over the sec-gen reins to LMW, sliding into the vice-chair role of PSP. She’d taken the top job in February 2024 after LMW’s POFMA mess. She’s the yin to his yang—ex-civil servant, measured, focused on jobs and affordability.

TCB’s the face, LMW’s the megaphone, and Hazel’s… there, running things?

She told Straits Times she’s stepping back because “Mun Wai is ready” and she’s got new foster-parent duties. Still on the CEC, she’s a steady presence, but with TCB as the face and LMW as the voice, is she just the quiet glue holding it together?

Promises that sound nice, but…

PSP’s game plan is basic: fix cost-of-living woes, scrap GRCs (LMW and Poa’s 2023 motion, Straits Times), and push “inclusivity” (their 2020 campaign line).

They’ve got ideas—housing affordability, job security—but it’s vague. LMW’s confrontational style drowns out substance with noise.

TCB wants PSP to be the “first-choice party” (CNA, May 2023), but their West Coast near-miss (48.31% in 2020) feels like their peak. Can they deliver, or is it all just shouting into the void?

Is PSP stuck in the past?

PSP’s a bit of a mess—old vibes, mixed signals, and a leadership tug-of-war.

Check the CEC lineup from March 20, 2025 (Straits Times): TCB (84), LMW (65), Poa (55), and a geriatic parade—Phang Yew Huat, Wendy Low, A’bas Kasmani—all past their prime. Newbies like Jonathan Tee (50) or Soh Zheng Long (36) try to sprinkle some youth, but don’t be fooled—29-year-old Samuel Lim’s the token “youngest ever” (Mothership), stuck fetching coffee for a crew that’s basically a retirement home with a ballot box.

TCB’s Biden-esque age (and stubborn grip) screams “boomer party”—out of touch with Gen Z’s TikTok gripes. PAP’s got newbies too (CNA GE article), and WP’s rolling out young guns like Jasper Kuan.

PSP? Still banking on Merdeka vibes while the world goes "AI, AI, AI".

Should PSP get your vote?

PSP might snag West Coast or more in 2025—LMW’s fanbase and TCB’s name carry weight.

But it’s a mess: TCB’s slowing the pace, LMW’s fanning flames, and Hazel’s stuck in the middle.

They’re not PAP’s machine or WP’s scrappy hope—they’re a loud, old crew with a Trump-y edge.

Their ideas are fine—who doesn’t want cheaper flats?—but the execution’s shaky, and the “who’s in charge” drama doesn’t help.