新加坡能否在动荡的地缘政治格局中保持中立？

前贸易及工业部长、现任教育部长陈振声在新传媒播客中指出，问题不在于选择站队——有时这由不得你——而在于让新加坡变得如此不可或缺，以至于各方都想分一杯羹。

陈部长的洞见凸显了新加坡务实的外交策略，但却掩盖了一个冷峻的事实：在中美之间深厚的经济与战略纠葛面前，中立不过是一场海市蜃楼。

中立承诺公正，但新加坡的现实与之背道而驰

由于与美国和中国的经济、战略及地缘政治联系根深蒂固，新加坡在中美贸易战中无法保持真正中立。

2023年，中国占新加坡出口的14%（830亿美元），进口的13%；美国则占出口的13%（760亿美元），进口的10%。

美国的外国直接投资（2340亿美元）是新加坡经济增长的引擎，而中国的“一带一路”倡议则充分利用新加坡港口的枢纽地位，2024年处理了3700万标准箱（TEU）。

新加坡支持美国主导的印太框架，如2022年启动的“印太经济繁荣框架”（IPEF）。这一由14国（不含中国）组成的联盟，旨在促进贸易与供应链韧性。

被排除在IPEF之外的中国，将其视为美国遏制其地区影响力的棋局。中国外交部长王毅痛斥这是经济“脱钩”与“煽动对抗”的企图。

2024年，中国官媒点名批评新加坡在IPEF中的角色，暗示可能招致贸易报复，至今虽未见实质行动，但信号清晰：当最大贸易伙伴感到被背叛，中立不过是镜花水月。

在东盟走钢丝：平衡大国与区域挑战

在安全领域，新加坡依赖美国，尤其是在动荡地区维持威慑力量，这使其战略天平有所倾斜。

真正的中立要求疏远与美国的防务合作，但面对区域威胁——包括中国在南海对东盟的强硬姿态——这一选项几无可能。

尽管新加坡在南海没有主权声索，但其支持基于规则的国际秩序，暗中配合美国针对中国主张的“航行自由”行动。这一立场在《2024年新加坡外交政策报告》中清晰阐述，引发中国不满，重创其中立形象。

作为东盟核心成员，新加坡致力于区域团结。然而，东盟内部裂痕——柬埔寨与老挝亲近中国，菲律宾与越南倾向美国——使中立成为外交雷区。

新加坡的真正策略：不是中立，而是实力

选择中立意味着在经济与安全上避免与任何一方结盟，但新加坡对中美市场的依赖迫使其采取务实外交。

偏向一方可能疏远另一方，而超然物外则可能使新加坡在全球贸易网络中被边缘化。

因此，新加坡追求“战略自主”——两面下注、多元化伙伴关系、保持最大灵活性。这种策略宛如一辆精密战车，游走于大国博弈之间，而不被任何一方完全吞并。

2023年，新加坡6000亿新元的经济在关税逆风中仍增长1.2%，彰显其非凡韧性。

新加坡的真正优势不在于回避站队，而在于让自己成为不可或缺的枢纽，让大国竞相拉拢。

这不是中立——这是实力。

29,564 voters in Jalan Kayu SMC will likely have to choose between two kayus come May 3, 2025: Ng Chee Meng, the People's Action Party's NTUC chief tainted by the 2024 Allianz-Income debacle, and Kala Manickam, Red Dot United's (RDU) combative educator whose 2021 PSP lawsuit reveals a divisive streak.

Background on Ng Chee Meng and Kala Manickam

Ng Chee Meng, 56, served as Chief of Air Force (2009–2013) and Chief of Defence Force (2013–2015) in the Singapore Armed Forces.

Entering politics with the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 2015, he won Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC but lost Sengkang GRC in 2020 (47.88% votes).

As NTUC Secretary-General since 2018, Ng has championed workforce development and workers' rights. Yet, his endorsement of the 2024 Allianz-Income deal, marred by a S$1.85 billion capital extraction and transparency lapses, paints him as either complicit in prioritizing profits or negligent in oversight.

Kala Manickam, 57, is a relatable yet polarizing opposition candidate, bringing a mix of grassroots appeal and contentious history.

A single mother, specialist educator, and SME owner, she holds a Master’s in Lifelong Learning and was a pioneer female officer in the Singapore Armed Forces, serving seven years as a lieutenant.

Kala's 2020 run in Nee Soon GRC with the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) yielded 38.76% of votes, but her expulsion from PSP in December 2020 led to a 2021 lawsuit alleging wrongful termination. The lawsuit was later settled amicably but revealed a divisive streak through accusations of insubordination and solo campaigning.

Now with Red Dot United (RDU), Kala is the likely candidate for Jalan Kayu SMC, advocating for job retraining and cost-of-living relief.

Ng Chee Meng's NTUC-Allianz controversy

In July 2024, NTUC and Allianz proposed a S$2.2 billion acquisition deal to bolster NTUC Income's competitiveness.

In an August 2024 statement with NTUC President K Thanaletchimi, he endorsed the deal, assuring that Allianz would honor Income’s social mission and existing policies.

But the devil was in the details: a S$1.85 billion capital extraction plan would have seen Allianz recoup nearly half its investment, potentially draining reserves meant to keep premiums low.

The Singapore government, led by Minister Edwin Tong, blocked the deal on October 14, 2024, citing its clash with Income’s 2022 corporatization goal of building financial strength for policyholders.

As NTUC Enterprise board member and NTUC chief, Ng’s claim that the central committee was unaware of the capital extraction plan until disclosure is damning.

Yet, the capital extraction plan—described by former Income CEO Tan Suee Chieh as a “breach of good faith”—contradicted this.

Ng’s claim of acting in “good faith” rings hollow when his dual roles as NTUC leader and NTUC Enterprise board member placed him at the heart of decision-making.

If Ng knew about the extraction and supported it, he’s complicit in prioritizing profits over people.

If he didn’t know, as he claims, he’s guilty of negligence—a damning indictment for a former Chief of Defence Force who built his career on precision and accountability.

SMU’s Eugene Tan called this ignorance “mind-boggling".

This isn’t Ng’s first misstep.

In January 2025, he attributed job insecurity to AI, ignoring netizens’ concerns over foreign manpower policies, alienating workers facing stagnant wages and sparked backlash for misreading ground sentiments..

His 2020 Sengkang GRC loss (47.88% vote share) already marks him as vulnerable.

Ng’s military pedigree and NTUC role are assets, but the Allianz saga reveals a leader either too cozy with corporate interests or too lax to notice their overreach.

His inability to anticipate public outrage—or even know the deal’s terms—undermines his claim to represent workers.

Jalan Kayu’s voters, wary of PAP’s perceived elitism, may question whether Ng prioritizes their needs or the party line. His campaign’s reliance on PAP machinery, despite his “own merits” rhetoric, risks reinforcing this skepticism.

Kala Manickam's PSP controversy

In July 2021, Kala sued PSP in the High Court (later transferred to State Courts), seeking a declaration that her December 2020 termination was “wrongful and invalid” and a S$10,000 refund for election expenses (e.g., fliers, pamphlets).

She argued PSP violated its constitution and due process, claiming she was not informed of specific charges, given no chance to defend herself, and unaware of investigation outcomes.

PSP’s seven affidavits, including from Tan Cheng Bock, painted her as “disruptive” and “insubordinate,” bullying teammates, and undermining cohesion.

Kala's fellow Nee Soon GRC candidate Damien Tay described her as putting her self-interests ahead of the team, during the run-up to the elections. He and candidate Taufik Supan cited how she "went about doing her own things", such as going on solo walkabouts, skipping team meetings and amassing a volunteer pool for herself.

A 17-member petition - including Kala's own election agent - and 55-to-11 cadre vote against her reinstatement bolstered PSP’s case.

Tan Cheng Bock pointed to a November 2020 meeting in where she was confrontational, as if "raring for a fight"; and "aggressively questioned… proof of her wrongdoings by shouting: 'WHAT PROOF? WHAT PROOF?'".

Kala’s public airing of grievances—via Facebook and court—signals a principled stand but also a divisive style.

Her actions suggest a lone-wolf mentality, ill-suited for Singapore’s collaborative politics.

Her move to Red Dot United (RDU), a smaller party, looks opportunistic, especially after RDU chief Ravi Philemon’s own PSP exit.

Kala’s SAF and educator roles show leadership, but her PSP fallout reveals a failure to build alliances.

Ng benefits from PAP’s ground game and Jalan Kayu’s Ang Mo Kio roots, but his Allianz misstep and Sengkang loss make him vulnerable.

Kala’s relatable story and opposition unity give her an edge, but her PSP saga and lesser-known status limit her reach.

The Workers’ Party’s absence (no confirmed candidate) and People's Power Party potential entry could complicate vote splits, though RDU’s coordination mitigates this.

In Jalan Kayu SMC, it's not about picking a winner, but rather, who is the sturdier of two kayus.

根据《海峡时报》专访，工人党新人哈普雷特·辛格（Harpreet Singh）近日坦言，不愿被“空降”至“安全选区”。此言如石投湖面，激起涟漪，揭示了工人党对后港和阿裕尼等选区坚如磐石的自信，暗示其内部对这些传统票仓的掌控力。

哈普雷特的表态证实了外界长期的猜测：在人民行动党（PAP）主宰的新加坡政坛，后港选区（自1991年起为工人党根据地）和阿裕尼集选区（2011年夺下）堪称反对党的“铁打营盘”。2020年大选（GE2020）中，工人党在后港赢得61.2%的选票，阿裕尼集选区得票率达59.9%。虽非压倒性胜利，但在人民行动党（上届93席中占83席）的绝对优势下，这份选民忠诚度无疑是一股不容小觑的力量。

然而，工人党秘书长普里坦·辛格（Pritam Singh）却频频警告反对党可能“全军覆没”，正如《亚洲新闻台》今年初报道所述。这番危言耸听的论调，与哈普雷特的乐观表态形成鲜明对比，令人不禁质疑其真实意图。

普里坦的“全军覆没”危言

普里坦在呼吁党内团结时反复提及“全军覆没”的风险，表面上是为激励支持者，防止自满情绪滋生。他将选举塑造成一场生死存亡的较量，意在确保工人党支持者——尤其是在后港与阿裕尼等关键选区——踊跃投票。这种“恐惧动员”在新家坡政坛并不陌生，堪称政治教科书中的经典一招。

然而，这柄双刃剑暗藏风险。哈普雷特对“安全选区”的坦率承认，暗示工人党私下对核心选区的稳固地位信心十足。公开渲染“全军覆没”的危机，难免让敏锐的选民嗅到一丝虚伪的气息。在新加坡这个以务实著称的城邦，选民对政治话术的洞察力不容小觑。若他们察觉工人党夸大风险以操控舆论，这种“公信力货币”本就稀缺的政党恐将陷入信任危机。

更棘手的是，普里坦自身的诚信风波为其言论蒙上阴影。今年早些时候，他因在国会特权委员会（Committee of Privileges）作伪证被判两项罪名成立。案件源于他处理前国会议员拉希莎·汗（Raeesah Khan）2021年在国会谎称陪同性侵受害者报警一事的失当行为。这场风波令普里坦的公信力备受考验，也让他的“全军覆没”论调更显牵强。

“弱势牌”的高风险博弈

普里坦绝非政坛新手。作为律师、国会议员及深耕新加坡政坛多年的老将，他的“全军覆没”论并非出于对后港或阿裕尼选情的真正担忧，而是精心设计的动员策略。在选民冷漠情绪可能滋生的岛国，点燃支持者的危机感是政治动员的入门课。

然而，过犹不及。过度渲染弱势地位，恐有“狼来了”之虞。正如哈普雷特所暗示，若工人党的核心选区稳如泰山，普里坦的末日论调可能适得其反，侵蚀选民信任。在新加坡，选民对政治操作的敏锐嗅觉不容低估。2023年爱德曼调查显示，78%的新加坡人对政府抱有高度信任，这种信任文化使得任何试图操弄民意的行为都可能招致反感。

2025年大选（GE2025）即将来临，工人党应抛弃戏剧化的危机叙事，转而深耕政策与基层。在这个以理性与实干为本的国度，选民更看重政党的实际作为，而非耸人听闻的“全军覆没”呐喊。无论选区是否“安全”，选举的胜负始终取决于扎根选民的真诚努力，而非高调的恐惧营销。

在这个崇尚实质的城邦，空洞的话术终将被务实的行动盖过光芒。

The Workers' Party (WP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election last Thursday (Apr 17) titled “Working for Singapore.”

The 122-page document, launched at the WP headquarters, outlines 125 policy proposals across five key areas: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.

Below is a detailed, reorganized summary of the manifesto’s key points, structured for clarity and coherence.

1. Affordability and Cost of Living

The WP proposes a range of measures to address Singapore’s high cost of living, focusing on transparency, alternative revenue sources, financial safety nets, and affordability of essential services and goods.

• Transparency in Cost Management: Establish a Standing Parliamentary Committee on Cost of Living to monitor and ensure transparency in addressing living expenses.

• Alternative Revenue Sources: Reduce reliance on Goods and Services Tax (GST) by:

  • Recognizing revenue from land sales over the first 9 years immediately.

  • Increasing the Net Investment Returns Contribution (NIRC) from 50% to 60%.

  • Introducing taxes on alcohol, carbon, and tobacco.

  • Implementing a net wealth tax of 0.5-2% on the top 1% of wealth holders.

  • Setting a minimum corporate tax rate of 15%.

• GST Exemptions: Exempt essential items, such as basic food, from GST to lower costs for households.

• Redundancy Insurance Scheme: Introduce a scheme providing 40% of the last drawn salary for 6 months, capped at 40% of median income, funded by a 0.1% monthly premium shared between employers and employees.

• Retrenchment Benefits: Mandate retrenchment benefits for private sector employers with 25 or more employees.

• National Minimum Wage: Set a minimum wage of $1,600 for full-time workers, pro-rated for part-time workers.

• Tiered Utility Pricing: Implement tiered pricing for electricity and water with a graduated Water Conservation Tax ranging from 30-60%.

• Healthcare Affordability:

  • Lift the MediSave cap for individuals over 60 to increase access to savings for medical expenses.

  • Introduce the Silver Living Development Scheme for affordable assisted living facilities.

  • Include persons with disabilities (PwDs) in Community Health Assist Scheme (CHAS) subsidies.

  • Establish a National Cancer Care Appeals Board to handle complex cancer cases.

• Housing Affordability:

  • Ensure the Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio is ≤3.0 for first-time Build-To-Order (BTO) buyers.

  • Offer 70-year BTO leases at lower prices with an option to extend to 99 years.

  • Implement a universal buy-back scheme for ageing HDB flats.

• Support for Local Businesses:

  • Have the National Environment Agency (NEA) manage hawker centres to keep costs low.

  • Have the Housing Development Board (HDB) reacquire coffee shops to control rental prices.

  • Have JTC Corporation expand low-rent industrial spaces for small businesses.

  • Cap rental growth to the rate of inflation.

• Education Subsidies:

  • Extend preschool fee assistance to all preschools in HDB estates.

  • Equalize Special Education (SPED) school fees to $13 per month.

• Transport Affordability:

  • Reduce Certificate of Entitlement (COE) volatility by redistributing quotas, categorizing motorcycle COEs by value, requiring private hire cars to be in the Open category, and ensuring equitable Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) 2.0 with discounts.

  • Establish a National Transport Corporation (NTC) to operate public transport on a non-profit basis.

  • Provide free off-peak public transport for seniors and PwDs.

  • Increase subsidies for school buses for students with disabilities.

2. Economic Growth and Opportunities

The WP aims to foster economic growth by prioritizing local talent, supporting small businesses, and preparing for an ageing population through innovative industries and financial reforms.

• Local Talent Development:

  • Tie Employment Pass (EP) renewals to skills transfer programs to benefit local workers.

  • Introduce fixed-term passes for industries with fewer local shortages.

  • Track and report Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) for foreign worker employment.

  • Expand intakes at Institutes of Technical Education (ITE), polytechnics, and universities for Shortage Occupation List (SOL) roles.

  • Lower the SkillsFuture mid-career qualifying age to 35.

  • Offer interest-free SkillsFuture education loans for Continuing Education and Training (CET).

  • Allow SkillsFuture Credit to be used for AI subscriptions.

  • Align curriculum with labor market needs through feedback loops.

  • Subsidize tradespersons licensing courses for those under 40 and enforce licensing.

  • Track skills-related underemployment to address workforce mismatches.

• Support for SMEs:

  • Train managers in leadership skills to improve business efficiency.

  • Benchmark salaries by sector to ensure competitiveness.

  • Streamline grants for green transitions, such as the Energy Efficient Grant.

  • Establish an Export-Import Bank (Exim Bank) to support exports, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), digitalization, and sustainability.

• Retirement Age Reform: Abolish the statutory retirement age, complementing the Workplace Fairness Act 2025, without affecting the CPF Payout Age.

• Silver Industries: Develop telemedicine, healthtech, mobility tech, elderly nutrition, and assisted living solutions to cater to nearly 1 million elderly by 2030.

• CPF Enhancements:

  • Offer an option to co-invest with the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) for higher returns.

  • Provide special dividends from GIC returns.

  • Review the CPF Ordinary Account (OA) interest rate formula.

  • De-link the HDB loan rate from the CPF OA rate, pegging it to 0.1% above the 3-month fixed deposit rate, with a floor of 2.6%.

3. Inclusion and Equality

The WP seeks to promote social equity by addressing poverty, supporting vulnerable groups, and ensuring fair access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities.

• Social Outcome Tracking: Publish a developmental dashboard covering GDP, inequality, participation, health, and climate goals; adopt the ILO Social Protection Framework; issue annual reports.

• Poverty Line: Set an official poverty line through a committee with government, civil society, and academia; peg assistance thresholds to this line.

• Support for Parents and Caregivers:

  • Extend childcare leave per child up to age 12.

  • Establish Family Care Leave of up to 6 days per year, with the first 3 days employer-paid.

  • Provide additional leave for multiple care recipients.

  • Compensate caregivers with tiered payments and CPF contributions.

  • Expand the Home Caregiving Grant to $600 per month for Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs).

  • Create a single support point for parents of disabled children.

  • Expand the Early Intervention Programme for Infants and Children (EIPIC).

  • Expand respite care with subsidies for lower-income families.

  • Offer tax relief for employers with re-entry programs.

• Gender Health Gap: Include peri/menopausal check-ups and physiotherapy subsidies in Healthier SG, and provide support for mothers.

• Dental Care: Expand subsidies and allow MediSave use for dental care from age 60 by mid-2026.

• Polyclinic Access: Increase walk-in slots at polyclinics for seniors and PwDs.

• Education Reforms:

  • Reduce class sizes to 23 (from 29-33, compared to OECD’s 21-24).

  • Implement later school start times: primary at 8:00 am, secondary at 8:30 am, post-secondary at 9:00 am.

  • Offer an optional 10-year through-train programme from Primary 1 to Secondary 4, eliminating the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE).

  • Introduce a Teach for Singapore scheme for dual-trained teachers.

  • Centralize tuition for low-income students on school premises with Edusave incentives.

• SkillsFuture for PwDs: Enhance SkillsFuture programs to better support persons with disabilities.

• Housing for Singles: Lower the minimum age for buying BTO flats for singles to 28.

• Ethnic Integration Policy: Abolish block quotas while retaining neighborhood quotas.

• Foreign Spouses: Implement a points-based residency system with transparent rejection reasons.

• Workplace Fairness:

  • Require employers with 10 or more employees to report gender pay gaps.

  • Ban non-compete clauses for mid- and low-level employees.

  • Enhance the Workplace Fairness Act to better protect PwDs.

  • Revert the Working Mother’s Child Relief (WMCR) to a percentage-based system with a $1,000 tax credit for mothers earning less than $25,000.

• National Holidays: Reinstate Thaipusam as a national holiday, bringing the total to 12 holidays.

4. Accountability and Democracy

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen democratic institutions, enhance transparency, and ensure fair elections and governance.

• Accountability Mechanisms:

  • Establish an Office of Ombudsman to investigate complaints and publish annual reports.

  • Set up Select Committees for each ministry to oversee operations.

  • Form a non-partisan Parliamentary Budget Office to evaluate policy proposals.

  • Reform the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR) to be non-political with fixed terms.

  • Enhance the Ministerial Code with independent assessments by the Auditor-General and judges.

  • Regulate lobbying with a public register.

• Voice and Agency:

  • Lower the voting age to 18 to increase youth participation.

  • Safeguard the independence of institutions like the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), Elections Department (ELD), and Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) under multi-partisan oversight.

  • Prohibit close relatives or political appointees from holding key positions in these institutions.

• Anti-Corruption and Elections:

  • Reconstitute the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) as the NACC, led by an independent Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, and CEO, overseen by a multi-partisan Parliamentary Committee.

  • Ensure ELD and EBRC operate independently from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

• Electoral Reforms:

  • Abolish Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP), and Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) schemes.

  • Revert all GRCs to Single Member Constituencies (SMCs).

  • Require parties to field multiracial slates.

  • Amend Article 49 to hold by-elections within 3 months for vacant SMCs.

• Presidency Reforms:

  • Revert to a ceremonial President appointed by Parliament.

  • Establish a separate Senate for discretionary powers.

  • Allow Parliament to overturn Senate veto with a three-quarters majority.

• Local Governance: Abolish the Office of the Mayor and devolve its roles to other structures.

• Advertising Transparency:

  • Require public sector and political advertising to declare sponsored content, disclose spending, measure effectiveness, and apply ROI tests.

  • Mandate political parties and candidates to disclose payments to digital content creators.

• Labor Rights:

  • Allow independent trade unions.

  • Review the tripartite system.

  • Permit workers to form non-NTUC associations.

• Information Access:

  • Institute a Freedom of Information Act for citizen requests.

  • Declassify National Archives after 25 years, with “Secret” material subject to requests.

  • Release Cabinet papers after 40 years.

  • Publish government population projections for 2040 and 2050.

5. Security and Geopolitics

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen judicial independence, enhance public safety, promote environmental sustainability, and bolster national defense and diplomacy.

• Judicial Reforms:

  • Enhance judicial oversight of ministerial decisions under acts like the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (FICA) and Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA), with court appeals and in-camera proceedings for national security.

  • Protect judicial independence by removing fixed-term Judicial Commissioners.

  • Amend the Administration of Justice Act to remove government immunity.

  • Restore the “real risk” threshold for scandalizing the judiciary.

  • Separate the Attorney-General’s roles into Public Prosecutor and Government Legal Advisor.

  • Raise judges’ retirement age from 65 to 70.

  • Have capital cases decided by a tribunal of two judges with unanimous decision.

  • Remove the mandatory death penalty.

• Policing and Scams:

  • Enhance scam protections with an insurance scheme, a $500 consumer liability cap, and a Scam Victim Restitution Fund.

  • Have the Competition and Consumer Commission of Singapore (CCCS) enforce standards.

  • Safeguard arrested persons’ rights with legal information, early lawyer access, and video-recorded interviews.

  • Establish an Independent Police Complaints Commission.

• Community Organizations:

  • Depoliticize taxpayer-funded organizations.

  • Abolish the Grassroots Advisor (GRA) position in the People’s Association (PA), led by neutral civil servants.

  • Foster ground-up National Sports Associations (NSAs).

  • Create an independent arts body for licensing and grants.

• Environmental Sustainability:

  • Balance urban development with stronger environmental laws.

  • Monitor land use and designate secondary forests as reserves.

  • Conduct public Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs).

  • Increase renewables to 30% by 2030, 40% by 2035, and 50% by 2040.

  • Track natural capital in national income.

  • Preserve forests and mangroves.

  • Address greenwashing.

  • Make public EIAs and Environmental Management and Monitoring Plans (EMMPs).

• Anti-Discrimination:

  • Legislate against discrimination.

  • Survey workplace harassment.

  • Criminalize uncovered behaviors.

• National Defense:

  • Strengthen countermeasures against grey zone tactics.

  • Increase surveillance.

  • Enhance defense agreements.

  • Promote media literacy in schools and National Service (NS).

  • Protect subsea interests.

  • Enhance repair capabilities.

  • Implement psychological fitness assessments like the US Army General Assessment Tool (GAT).

  • Provide resilience training.

  • Defend digital space with Digital and Intelligence Service (DIS) integration.

  • Establish a vulnerability equities process.

• Security Budgets:

  • Raise National Servicemen Full-time (NSFs)’ salaries to the median $1,600 per month, renamed “NS salary” with CPF contributions.

  • Ensure equal opportunities in the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF).

  • Provide fair representation.

  • Increase transparency in the Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) budget, currently $23.44 billion for FY2025, with $22.0 billion for military expenditure, broken down into equipment, maintenance, allowances, and salaries.

  • Grant Public Accounts Committee access.

• Internal Resilience:

  • Maintain domestic manufacturing for essentials.

  • Grant legislative powers for emergencies.

  • Increase local farm uptake to 30% of nutritional needs by 2030.

  • Establish long-term contracts with institutional buyers.

  • Repeal the Internal Security Act (ISA).

  • Replace ISA with an anti-terrorism law with limited detention and court trials.

• Diplomacy and Trade:

  • Strengthen ASEAN with majority voting, enforcement, collaboration, and people-to-people exchanges.

  • Support Myanmar stability via the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

  • Enforce arms export bans.

  • Support maritime peace in East Asia.

  • Encourage adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

  • Finalize the South China Sea (SCS) Code of Conduct.

  • Recognize the State of Palestine and support a two-state solution.

  • Establish a Singapore Agency for International Development for Official Development Assistance (ODA), focusing on Southeast Asia.

Conclusion

The WP’s manifesto builds on its 2020 manifesto, retaining unimplemented proposals and introducing new ones based on resident feedback.

The party emphasizes that its policies are developed independently of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), focusing on gaps in existing systems.

While the WP’s proposals are ambitious, their feasibility depends on parliamentary support and economic conditions.

For instance, the wealth tax and GST exemptions may face resistance due to fiscal implications, while electoral reforms like abolishing GRCs could spark debate over representation.

The WP’s focus on affordability and equality resonates with public concerns, but implementation would require careful prioritization and collaboration.

Ariffin Sha, founder of Wake Up Singapore and Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) candidate for GE2025, and Raeesah Khan, former Workers’ Party MP have one thing in common: a failure to uphold truth.

Both, in their respective arenas—alternative media and Parliament—have faltered, revealing a troubling symmetry.

Ariffin is the male counterpart to Raeesah, not in ambition or ideology, but in their shared disregard for facts when narrative suits their cause.

Background

Ariffin, a 27-year-old law graduate and SDP candidate for Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC, built Wake Up Singapore (WUSG) as a platform for socio-political commentary.

A legal executive by day, he manages WUSG, which boasts over 100,000 followers.

In March 2022, WUSG published a fabricated story about a miscarriage at KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital (KKH), alleging staff mishandled a foetus.

The claim, based on doctored documents from KKH patient Ma Su Nandar Htwe, was false.

Ariffin’s platform failed to verify the story, leading to a criminal defamation charge, a guilty plea, and an S$8,000 fine in August 2024. His apology and retraction came only after exposure, too late to restore trust in KKH, which serves 12,000 inpatients annually.

Raeesah Khan, a 31-year-old former MP for Sengkang GRC, committed a parallel offense in August 2021. She claimed in Parliament to have accompanied a rape victim to a police station, where an officer made insensitive remarks. This was a lie, admitted three months later, rooted in her personal trauma but lacking any factual basis.

Her resignation from the Workers’ Party and a recommended S$35,000 fine followed, alongside a breach of parliamentary privilege that eroded trust in elected officials.

Both Ariffin and Raeesah leveraged significant platforms—WUSG’s social media reach and Khan’s parliamentary pulpit—to amplify unverified claims.

Both tackled sensitive issues (healthcare and sexual assault) that demand rigor, not recklessness.

Their admissions of fault, only after being cornered, reveal a willingness to prioritize narrative over truth, whether driven by zeal or negligence.

Dr Chee pleads for "mature" political discourse

At SDP's press conference, Dr Chee was asked how he would respond to any voters concerned about Mr Ariffin Sha’s previous conviction.

He claimed Ariffin had “very ably” made a case for younger Singaporeans and urged a focus on issues over personal attacks. “We want (the) Singapore political system to mature… where we can talk about issues and not go back into past practices where we are just destroying people in terms of talking about their personalities,” Chee said.

He compared Ariffin’s case to PAP politicians’ mistakes, citing former Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin, who resigned in 2023 over an extramarital affair with a Tampines GRC MP. “We want to be judged by the same standards,” Chee added, rejecting “personal demonization.”

Mr Tan resigned from his position and from the PAP in 2024 over an affair he had with a fellow party member who was a Tampines GRC MP.

“We want to be judged by the same standards,” Dr Chee said, adding that he wished to avoid a situation of “personal demonization, that is not in keeping with a mature civilized election campaign”.

Comparing Sha’s conviction to PAP’s Tan Chuan-Jin’s personal scandal, however, is a false equivalence—adultery doesn’t undermine public institutions; spreading falsehoods does.

Chee’s plea to focus on “issues” over “personalities” conveniently ignores that Sha’s lapse is the issue: judgment matters in leadership.

Raeesah’s case is equally indefensible.

Her lie, though tied to personal trauma, was not a slip but a calculated statement repeated thrice in Parliament, undermining the Workers’ Party’s credibility and fueling skepticism about opposition accountability.

Weaponizing sensitivities for moral posturing

Both cases expose a deeper issue: the temptation to weaponize sensitive topics for clout or moral posturing.

Ariffin and Raeesah, in their respective roles, failed to grasp the weight of their platforms, treating truth as negotiable when it suited their ends.

As GE2025 looms, Ariffin's candidacy with SDP and Raeesah's retreat from politics highlight divergent paths but a shared lesson: public figures must be held to a higher standard.

Voters in Marsiling-Yew Tee deserve candidates who prioritize evidence over emotion.

Ariffin's fine may close his legal chapter, but his platform’s lapse raises questions about his judgment. Raeesah's resignation, while accountability of a sort, leaves a stain on the opposition’s claim to moral high ground.

Whether in media or Parliament, the duty to verify, clarify, and rectify is non-negotiable.

Anything less is a disservice to the nation.