Move aside PAP, here comes the Workers' Party Internet Brigade

Dec 22, 2021 | 🚀 Fathership AI
The term "internet brigade" (IB) or "web brigade" as it's more commonly known was supposedly first coined in 2003 by Russian researchers who were looking into state-sponsored propaganda troll farms linked to the Russian government between the late 90s and early-2000s.

At the time, new types of companies started to spring up in Russia – partially or wholly dependent on the government, offering services for companies, central and regional institutions, and local governments. Their services consisted of taking care for their clients’ positive public image through artificial online activities – often including slandering the clients’ competitors and critics.

In Singapore, the People's Action Party (PAP) surprisingly acknowledged the presence of a party-sanctioned internet brigade in 2007 as seen in a newspaper clipping from the Straits Times (ST).

According to the ST article, the initiative was driven by two sub-committees of the PAP's "new media" committee chaired by then Manpower Minister Ng Eng Hen. Some 20 IT-savvy party activists formed the first batch of the "brigade".


Pictured: Straits Times newspaper clipping, 2007

A peek inside Workers' Party "internet brigade"

Singapore's leading opposition party - the Workers' Party (WP) - also runs their own propaganda outfit led by their more IT-savvy members as well as volunteer Singaporeans empathetic to WP's cause - albeit a secret under wraps.

According to Fathership's investigation, the WP IB is a youth-led committee that mounts counter-insurgency narratives against online critics.

The committee itself seeks counsel from a local creative agency and public relations professionals that are tasked on a retainer basis to plan and coordinate the messaging.

The online narratives itself are guided by a preset "brand" tone of voice and suggested template responses to opposing comments in social media.

Two-pronged approach

The tactics employed by WP IB are two-pronged: first, a collaborative-based approach to amplify the party's narratives. These are done in partnership - officially and unofficially* - with various internet and social media commentators, including grassroots members and known opposition 'influencer' websites such as Wake Up Singapore.

*Unofficially means that some of the commentators that were engaged do not know that their tasks were actually sanctioned by WP.

Second, a task-based 'black ops' operations that gives WP the leeway for 'plausible deniability' should the situation arise.

IB activists or 'operators' engaged in questionable counter-insurgency dealings are only known to a few party members and to a certain extent, the publicist engaged by WP.

WP's IB also employ a 'dark social' strategy where narratives including disinformation tactics are disseminated in Mandarin and English via Whatsapp and Telegram channels, the former of which are targeted at the Chinese demographic aged 45 and up - the bulk of whom forms WP's supporters.

Example of some tactics used:

Defacing Edwin Tong's Wikipedia page







'Dick-ish' posts


Pictured: Complaint Singapore Facebook Group

Some of the known playgrounds by WP IB operators where narratives are disseminated:



Know fake accounts used by WP IB operators:

Crisis management PR campaigns escalated during COP hearings

Online activities by WP IB have escalated since the start of the Committee of Privileges (COP) scrutiny into WP's party leaders and former MP Raeesah Khan's conduct.

Operators were tasked with 'flooding' the online space with disparaging comments against committee member Edwin Tong who was ostracized by opposition activists for drilling into WP's leader Pritam Singh, with the hope of deflecting the inconsistencies in the WP leader's shaky testimony on Raeesah Khan.

Wake Up Singapore - which is WP's answer to PAP's "Fabrications Against the PAP" IB page - has been particularly active throwing Raeesah Khan - a figure they were fanboys of previously - under the bus to protect the reputation of WP leaders.

Background on "Internet Brigades"

In January 2012, a hacktivist group calling itself the Russian arm of Anonymous published a massive collection of emails detailing how members of the "brigades" were paid 85 rubles (about US$3) or more per comment, depending on whether the comment received replies. Some were paid as much as 600,000 roubles (about US$21,000) for leaving hundreds of comments on negative press articles on the internet, and were presented with iPads. A number of high-profile bloggers were also mentioned as being paid for promoting Russian government activities.

Kremlin-linked Internet brigades took upon themselves to do more than just write comments on forums and social media; they started to write blogs with pro-Kremlin propaganda and artificially boost the ratings of pro-Kremlin media materials.

In Singapore, the battle of PAP IBs and WP IBs continue. Who will win?

The men in white or the men in blue?

We miss Tan Cheng Bock already.


➡️ Follow Fathership on Telegram

新加坡政府坚持提高消费税(GST),尽管税收负担较低且公共服务质量高,引发国民的欢欣鼓舞。

Mar 05, 2023 | 🚀 Fathership AI

新加坡副总理黄循财于2月24日在国会2023年度预算案辩论闭幕时,为新加坡低税负担和紧缩的财政立场辩护。他强调,新加坡需要在2024年进行第二次商品和服务税(GST)上调,以照顾不断增长的老年人口。

新加坡税负低

相比其他发达的经济体,新加坡的税收占国内生产总值(GDP)比率要低得多,仅为14%。这种低税负奖励辛勤工作的员工和企业,让人民和企业能够保留大部分所得。

增加政府收入的替代方案

反对党提出了替代收入来源,包括财富税、公司税和土地销售收入。然而,黄循财表示,在确保新加坡的健全和稳定的公共财政下,需要对收入、消费和资产征收混合税。财富税在现实中难以实行;公司税则面临竞争;将土地销售收益视为租约期间收入分割不太可能产生更多相比新加坡今时今日已获得的收入。

 社会流动和解决不平等问题的必要性

在周三的开幕演讲中,反对党领袖毕丹星警告说,在没有采取更多措施解决不平等问题的情况下,将出现“两个新加坡”。在他周五的闭幕演讲中,黄循财回应了呼吁采取更多行动以解决不平等问题的呼声。为确保低薪工人的实际工资可持续增长,国人需要为他们的同胞提供的服务支付更多费用来增加工资。

结论

 新加坡副总理黄循财为上调GST辩护,并强调了对收入、消费和资产征收混合税以提供新加坡健全与稳定的公共财政的必要性。他还回应了呼吁采取更多行动解决不平等问题的呼声,以确保社会流动仍然是“健全而有活力”。


➡️ Follow Fathership on Telegram